Dear IGP,
Let me firstly acknowledge that yours is not an easy responsibility to bear. The task of policing is certainly a difficult one. It calls for the fine balancing of the many different interests and expectations that will allow for security without undue compromise of the freedoms that mark this nation as a democracy. Far too often, the choices that have to be made are those that will be remembered more for their being unpopular than their having been effective.
As a lawyer, it strikes me that there is a way to make navigating these difficult waters easier, if only slightly. The power to police stems as it does from law enacted for that purpose. The Police Act and the Criminal Procedure Code are not only the maps by which you chart your course, they are also the justification you offer for actions that might be viewed as unfair. After all, the Royal Malaysian Police does not legislate; it merely enforces the will of the legislature as codified into the statute books.
This approach could also extend to areas where the law vests police officers with a discretion the exercise of which is a matter than can only be determined by reference to the particular circumstances of a given situation. Though in these cases the particular legal provision in issue may be silent as to how it is a police officer is to act, it should not be overlooked that the Constitution is the supreme law of the land. In enumerating the fundamental liberties of citizens, it has provided the context and limits of enforcement. Seen in this light, it become evident that the primary role of the police force is to ensure that the constitutional framework is maintained as it was at all times intended to be: one that guarantees the freedom for Malaysians to aspire to be all that they are without fear of reprisal.
It is from this perspective that I question the wisdom of your policy on the matter of public assemblies.
I acknowledge that the legislature has by virtue of the Police Act imposed the requirement of permits for gatherings in public places on pain of sanction. I note however that the police force has taken it upon itself to exclude certain types of gatherings from the requirements of the Police Act. This seizing of discretion, for it could be said that the statute allows for no such discretion, is understandable for were it to be otherwise we would see many a family arrested for picnicking in public parks. By any definition they would constitute the assembly of three or more persons in a public place the Police Act targets.
This however makes the point that it is not necessarily the case that all gatherings in public places without permits are unlawful assemblies; it is only those that the police force deems such that are. Experience shows that this has however been markedly selective.
Compare, for instance, the experience of protestors outside the Bar Council and UITM students demonstrating against the admission of non-Malays this August with the treatment of participants in the anti-ISA vigil held earlier this month. While the third event had dispersed, spontaneous peaceful gatherings of small groups of citizens were acted against with force and culminated in numerous arrests. Though the earlier two events were by any comparison that much more aggressive, no action was taken despite the protest outside the Bar Council having disrupted a closed-door event.
Circumstance suggests that your officers believe there to be basis for their action and for treating events differently from one another. Objective scrutiny point to that basis being an apparently misguided notion as to what it is that constitutes a threat to public order. It appears that the third event, and others like it, was perceived as being disruptive of public order not so much for the event itself but rather the anti-ISA message it sought to convey. It seems that this was considered to be dangerous for its seemingly anti-establishment sentiment, a conclusion reinforced by conditions imposed by the police for a similar event held last Sunday. These included prohibitions on the lighting of candles, the wearing of anti-ISA t-shirts and the making of any statements supportive of the release of detainees.
In contrast, the first two events did not convey any such sentiment.
If this is in fact the case, that policy needs to be reexamined. The approach it entails is grossly unfair. It also exposes the police force to attack and criticism in a manner that is unnecessarily undermining of respect for the institution at a time when more needs to be done to shore up public confidence
It is not for the Royal Malaysian Police to police thought and speech through preemptive enforcement; that is not its fight. Malaysians are guaranteed the freedom of thought in as much as they are guaranteed the right to express themselves, either alone or in peaceable assembly with others. The nature of views expressed is not a matter for the police force to concern itself with; ensuring that Malaysians are free to avail themselves of the guarantees afforded to them under the Constitution to live out democracy as it was intended is.
Let me firstly acknowledge that yours is not an easy responsibility to bear. The task of policing is certainly a difficult one. It calls for the fine balancing of the many different interests and expectations that will allow for security without undue compromise of the freedoms that mark this nation as a democracy. Far too often, the choices that have to be made are those that will be remembered more for their being unpopular than their having been effective.
As a lawyer, it strikes me that there is a way to make navigating these difficult waters easier, if only slightly. The power to police stems as it does from law enacted for that purpose. The Police Act and the Criminal Procedure Code are not only the maps by which you chart your course, they are also the justification you offer for actions that might be viewed as unfair. After all, the Royal Malaysian Police does not legislate; it merely enforces the will of the legislature as codified into the statute books.
This approach could also extend to areas where the law vests police officers with a discretion the exercise of which is a matter than can only be determined by reference to the particular circumstances of a given situation. Though in these cases the particular legal provision in issue may be silent as to how it is a police officer is to act, it should not be overlooked that the Constitution is the supreme law of the land. In enumerating the fundamental liberties of citizens, it has provided the context and limits of enforcement. Seen in this light, it become evident that the primary role of the police force is to ensure that the constitutional framework is maintained as it was at all times intended to be: one that guarantees the freedom for Malaysians to aspire to be all that they are without fear of reprisal.
It is from this perspective that I question the wisdom of your policy on the matter of public assemblies.
I acknowledge that the legislature has by virtue of the Police Act imposed the requirement of permits for gatherings in public places on pain of sanction. I note however that the police force has taken it upon itself to exclude certain types of gatherings from the requirements of the Police Act. This seizing of discretion, for it could be said that the statute allows for no such discretion, is understandable for were it to be otherwise we would see many a family arrested for picnicking in public parks. By any definition they would constitute the assembly of three or more persons in a public place the Police Act targets.
This however makes the point that it is not necessarily the case that all gatherings in public places without permits are unlawful assemblies; it is only those that the police force deems such that are. Experience shows that this has however been markedly selective.
Compare, for instance, the experience of protestors outside the Bar Council and UITM students demonstrating against the admission of non-Malays this August with the treatment of participants in the anti-ISA vigil held earlier this month. While the third event had dispersed, spontaneous peaceful gatherings of small groups of citizens were acted against with force and culminated in numerous arrests. Though the earlier two events were by any comparison that much more aggressive, no action was taken despite the protest outside the Bar Council having disrupted a closed-door event.
Circumstance suggests that your officers believe there to be basis for their action and for treating events differently from one another. Objective scrutiny point to that basis being an apparently misguided notion as to what it is that constitutes a threat to public order. It appears that the third event, and others like it, was perceived as being disruptive of public order not so much for the event itself but rather the anti-ISA message it sought to convey. It seems that this was considered to be dangerous for its seemingly anti-establishment sentiment, a conclusion reinforced by conditions imposed by the police for a similar event held last Sunday. These included prohibitions on the lighting of candles, the wearing of anti-ISA t-shirts and the making of any statements supportive of the release of detainees.
In contrast, the first two events did not convey any such sentiment.
If this is in fact the case, that policy needs to be reexamined. The approach it entails is grossly unfair. It also exposes the police force to attack and criticism in a manner that is unnecessarily undermining of respect for the institution at a time when more needs to be done to shore up public confidence
It is not for the Royal Malaysian Police to police thought and speech through preemptive enforcement; that is not its fight. Malaysians are guaranteed the freedom of thought in as much as they are guaranteed the right to express themselves, either alone or in peaceable assembly with others. The nature of views expressed is not a matter for the police force to concern itself with; ensuring that Malaysians are free to avail themselves of the guarantees afforded to them under the Constitution to live out democracy as it was intended is.
Malik Imtiaz Sarwar
(Malay Mail; 18th November 2008)
MIS
