On The Reform Agenda

The Pakatan Harapan ousted the BN on the strength of a promise of reform. Having formed the new government, it is clear that the ability to deliver on that promise has to be balanced against the challenge of taking the reins and steering the country back on course. 

From what Dr M has been doing, it appears that his government (as small as it is) equally recognises reform as a priority. The establishment of the Council of Elders, and the Committee On Institutional Reform speaks to that.

It is imperative that Dr M and his team be given the fullest support and latitude to do what needs to be done. To the extent that there is any political infighting s the members of the Cabinet are being determined, and it appears that there may be, it would be a shame if that infighting impacted on reform efforts.

More than that, it would amount to a betrayal of the mandate given to Pakatan Harapan to reform the country. Political interests must give way to the national interest. 

I am happy to note that, as quoted in Malaysiakini today, Dato’ Seri Anwar has said that the litmus test of the new administration (perhaps we should stop using the word regime) will be on how its implements the reform agenda. 

I think that is a fair yardstick to apply. It implicitly recognises that the new administration must be given the time and space to do what it needs to, and that a high standard is expected.

It bears reiterating that the necessary time and space must be given to the new administration to let it see through its reform agenda.

Going by the issues that created the momentum for the ousting of the BN, the expected reforms are numerous, ranging from the electoral system to the public service and, close to my heart, the administration of justice.  This will require a lot of thought and effort and, more importantly, the political will to drive reform through to completion.

Having said that, this is a process that has to be approached with a sense or urgency and novelty. Decisive steps will have to be taken. Problems need to be addressed with the best solutions, even if these involve approaches that are novel or unconventional. 

For example, where the justice system is concerned, if the administration is serious about shoring up public confidence in the Judiciary it must take concrete steps to do so. This has to start by asking whether the Judiciary is made up to the best persons for the job. It may be that, without impinging on their security of tenure, measure needs to be introduced to allow for judges to be independently vetted, evaluated and reviewed for performance and suitability for office periodically by an independent judicial ethics committee. There is a Judicial Ethics Committee Act 2010 in place. It needs to be tweaked. Similarly, it may be that the Judicial Commission Appointments Act 2009 will have to be amended to make it wholly independent of the Judiciary in the manner originally proposed by the Bar. This is after all the way in which the commission operates in the UK.

Similarly, to ensure that justice is seen to be done, it may be the case that the judges of the Federal Court and the Court of Appeal be required to deliver written grounds of judgment for every appellate decision of those courts. This will make their reasoning known to litigants and the wider public, and ensure that due consideration is given to the issues that arise for determination. It will also eliminate concerns about selective decision-making.

Also, it would best for all appeals to the Federal Court to be determined by panels of at least 7 or 9 judges, each of whom write or contribute to the written decisions of the court. This is, after all, the practice of the apex courts in the USA, the UK and Australia, a practice that ensures the development of the law in a coherent manner. The Federal Court is after all the apex court tasked with supervising and developing judge made law in the public interest.

These changes are easily applied without the need for constitutional amendment.  However, those seeking change will have to wrestle with entrenched ways of thinking, comfort zones, or circumstances, these obviously beneficial practices have not to date been adopted. 

Dealing with an entrenched culture is going to be one of the biggest challenges to the institutional reform. It will have to be driven through unrelentingly by administrators capable of staring it down. Amongst the most important of these administrators is the Attorney General. That is why I think that the reform process can only truly start, going from theory to practice, when we have an Attorney General who understands what is needed and is not daunted by the challenge.

That is why a new Attorney General has to be appointed as quickly as possible, one who is capable of doing what it takes but who remains accountable to Parliament. 

MIS

On The Attorney General

There are calls for a non-political Attorney General. 

If the Attorney General were only the Public Prosecutor, this would make sense. You would want the person vested with the power and discretion to prosecute to be wholly free from influence. 

However, the Federal Constitution says that the Attorney General is also the Public Prosecutor, and thus serves the dual function of both being the legal advisor to, and the representative of, the Government as well as the Public Prosecutor.

It is for this reason that the Federal Constitution allows for the appointment of a Member of Parliament to be the Attorney General, who may even be appointed as a member of the Cabinet (see Article138(2) and Article 145). In this way, the Attorney General can be made accountable to Parliament.

This is a vital dimension of the discussion and should not be overlooked. This accountability would extend to the role of the Attorney General as Public Prosecutor.  Decisions made in that latter capacity could also be reviewed and scrutinised in Parliament.

I appreciate, however, that there is basis for concern as to the potential for political influence to creep into the sphere of prosecutorial discretion. That concern can only be completely addressed by a constitutional amendment that separates the office of the Attorney General from that of the Public Prosecutor. 

That is something, as I understand it, the Pakatan Harapan is committed to doing. It however requires steps to be taken, Apart from the constitutional amendment, it would be necessary, amongst other things, to establish a separate body akin to the Crown Prosecution Service in England, the reassigning of officers of the Attorney General’s Chambers to that new body, the amendment of criminal laws to provide for this fundamental change.

Such steps must also be taken in tandem with the other reforms the Pakatan Harapan says it will introduce, in particular the reshaping of the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission into an independent body accountable to Parliament. If this is taken to the fullest, it could possibly involve the head of that agency also being given an independent power to prosecute.

To put this into play, there is a need for continued political will for such change. The new Attorney General must be someone who can see to it that the Pakatan Harapan does not lose steam on the subject or, for other reasons, retract its position on the commitment. An Attorney General who is a Member of Parliament and in the Pakatan Harapan would be able to do that more effectively than an outsider.  The candidate for Attorney General must however be someone who is seen as committed to this change and who is capable of delivering it.

In the meanwhile, there are ways in which any lingering concerns about political influence on prosecutorial discretion can be addressed temporarily. The Attorney General could seek to exclude himself from decisions to prosecute or not by delegating the functions of the Public Prosecutor to the Solicitor General. Should the need arise, a lawyer from private practice could be contracted as the Solicitor General for that purpose. Additionally, independent oversight committees could be established to oversee decisions made. And, the Attorney General could be asked to prepare reports for Parliament. For this purpose, if necessary, an Administration Of Justice Act could be enacted.

The office of the Attorney General is pivotal to the reforms in the administration of justice that the Pakatan Harapan has committed to. Whoever fills that position must not only be a person recognised for integrity and principle, but also to the Rule of Law and the highest standards of the due administration of justice.

He or she must also be committed to those reforms and must be able to drive the process through to completion, working both with the Government and other stakeholders. This calls for an understanding of the processes involved in the administration of justice as a whole, and in the civil and criminal justice systems. That person must also be able to work with the officers of the Attorney General’s Chambers, who in turn should be able to relate to him or her. Internal resistance would undermine any efforts to introduce reforms.

Ultimately though, that person must be accountable to Parliament from the outset.

MIS