tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-11816728276826621692024-03-08T10:30:18.624+08:00DisquietMalik Imtiaz Sarwarhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06047439912593830984noreply@blogger.comBlogger242125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1181672827682662169.post-84861859192688998232018-06-04T09:02:00.000+08:002018-06-04T09:03:46.943+08:00On Fear Mongering And Tommy Thomas<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
In one of his earliest press conferences after the election, Dr M was asked about how the new government would approach the rights of the Malays. He responded by emphasising that his government would adhere to the Federal Constitution and that the rights of the Malays would be respected, as would the rights of the non-Malays. Pertinently, he also emphasised, as he continues to do, that his government would act in accordance with the Rule of Law.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
In taking that position, and by his conduct since, in particular the recommendation of reputedly the most diverse Cabinet this country has seen and the latitude he has given his Ministers to state their respective positions on their portfolios, Dr M had signalled the potential for us to shift away from an ethno-religious political construct in favour of a more inclusive, capabilities based approach.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Such an approach appears to have resonated with the voters. However, as we have seen and heard in the period following the election, there is much debate about what had led to the toppling of the BN. Though an inclusive viewpoint was an important factor, the debate reveals some uncertainty about whether it was instrumental and, if so, whether that approach is here to stay.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
This represents an opportunity for detractors aimed at undermining, or even impeding, the trajectory of the current government. It goes without saying; any political actors that would benefit from a surge of ethno-religious issues would either work towards that surge or support such efforts. For these parties, fear mongering about the undermining of the status of the Malay Rulers, the rights of Malays, and the administration of Islam would be a useful endeavour for a variety of reasons that ultimately pertain to self-interest.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
The nomination of Mr Tommy Thomas appears to have been a flashpoint. It has provided a useful platform to stoke fears about these matters. A perfectly credible nomination has been characterised as an attempt to undermine Islam through liberalism and secularism, and to undermine democracy through an implied support of communist ideals. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
This has been packaged in the apparent denial of a legitimate need on the part of the Malay Rulers, in particular the YDPA, for advice on matters of Shariah law by the nomination of a non-Muslim. This purported denial suggests that the legitimate needs of the Malay Rulers as Heads of Islam are being ignored by the nomination.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
It is possible that as a consequence of the murkiness, the matter is to be deliberated by the Conference Of Rulers. The Malay Rulers are of course entitled to deliberate on any matters that their Highnesses consider to be relevant to their roles as Malay Rulers. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
It bears consideration though that, unlike the appointment of judges of the Superior Courts (Article 122B(1)), the appointment of an Attorney General is not a matter that requires consultation with the Conference Of Rulers. That is a matter on which the YDPA is to act on the advice of the Prime Minister (Article 145(1) read with Article 40(1A)).</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
This is not to say that that the YDPA is precluded from considering the matter in consultation with the other Malay Rulers, should His Majesty consider this to be necessary. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
A legal question does arise as to the scope of such consultations. That would ultimately relate to the powers of the YDPA as to the appointment of the Attorney General.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Article 145(1) specifically deals with the appointment of the Attorney General and it explicitly requires the YDPA to appoint the Attorney General on the advice of the Prime Minister. The YDPA is therefore precluded from questioning such advice save on the limited question of whether the Prime Minister is duly empowered to give such advice. He may, for instance, in recommending the dismissal of one Attorney General and the appointment of another, be acting in conflict of interest. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Article 40 does however, generally provide for where the YDPA is to act on advice. A40(1) and (1A) suggest that the YDPA is entitled to “consider” the advice given, and for that purpose, is allowed access to information the government might have on the subject. Thus, the scope of consultation could be slightly broader though, ultimately, the YDPA is obliged to act on advice. It may also be argued that as Article 145 specifically deals with the subject of the appointment of the Attorney General, its language is to be given effect as the specific provision over-rides the general one.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Whichever interpretation is adopted, in my respectful view, the YDPA is ultimately obliged to act on the advice given save where the Prime Minister is not empowered to give such advice.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
This should, however, not be any cause for concern.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Matters pertaining to the administration of Islam fall within the purview of the State. The Malay Rulers are Heads of Islam in their respective States. The YDPA is the Head of Islam in the Federal Territories. The focus of the Malay Rulers is thus on the personal law of Muslims. For this purpose, the respective Majlis Agama and Muftis advise the Malay Rulers. This is the case even for the Federal Territories.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Further, the Shariah courts enforce Shariah law, and the Attorney General’s Chambers plays no role in this. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
It is only where Islamic law intersects with matters in the public sphere involving the Federal Government that the Attorney General’s Chambers is involved; for instance, on laws pertaining to Islamic Banking. The administration of Islam as a personal law does not concern the Attorney General’s Chambers.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
As for the status of the Malays, that is protected by Article 153. Unless and until that provision is amended out of the Federal Constitution, it is there to stay. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Given this state of affairs, I do not think there is any reason for any of us to be fearful. The system will self-regulate. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
The government changed on 9th May and the sky did not fall on our heads. Things are moving in the right direction now and, understandably, an overwhelming number of Malaysians are concerned about attempts to undermine the changes that are happening around us. We are worried that the continuing fear mongering will only entrap us in the murkiness of race politics that has impeded our progress for far too long. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
MIS<br />
<br />
<br />Malik Imtiaz Sarwarhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06047439912593830984noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1181672827682662169.post-14144257755095258362018-05-16T10:17:00.001+08:002018-05-16T10:17:55.480+08:00On The Reform Agenda<div style="text-align: justify;">
The Pakatan Harapan ousted the BN on the strength of a promise of reform. Having formed the new government, it is clear that the ability to deliver on that promise has to be balanced against the challenge of taking the reins and steering the country back on course. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
From what Dr M has been doing, it appears that his government (as small as it is) equally recognises reform as a priority. The establishment of the Council of Elders, and the Committee On Institutional Reform speaks to that.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
It is imperative that Dr M and his team be given the fullest support and latitude to do what needs to be done. To the extent that there is any political infighting s the members of the Cabinet are being determined, and it appears that there may be, it would be a shame if that infighting impacted on reform efforts.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
More than that, it would amount to a betrayal of the mandate given to Pakatan Harapan to reform the country. Political interests must give way to the national interest. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
I am happy to note that, as quoted in Malaysiakini today, Dato’ Seri Anwar has said that the litmus test of the new administration (perhaps we should stop using the word regime) will be on how its implements the reform agenda. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
I think that is a fair yardstick to apply. It implicitly recognises that the new administration must be given the time and space to do what it needs to, and that a high standard is expected.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
It bears reiterating that the necessary time and space must be given to the new administration to let it see through its reform agenda.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Going by the issues that created the momentum for the ousting of the BN, the expected reforms are numerous, ranging from the electoral system to the public service and, close to my heart, the administration of justice. This will require a lot of thought and effort and, more importantly, the political will to drive reform through to completion.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Having said that, this is a process that has to be approached with a sense or urgency and novelty. Decisive steps will have to be taken. Problems need to be addressed with the best solutions, even if these involve approaches that are novel or unconventional. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
For example, where the justice system is concerned, if the administration is serious about shoring up public confidence in the Judiciary it must take concrete steps to do so. This has to start by asking whether the Judiciary is made up to the best persons for the job. It may be that, without impinging on their security of tenure, measure needs to be introduced to allow for judges to be independently vetted, evaluated and reviewed for performance and suitability for office periodically by an independent judicial ethics committee. There is a Judicial Ethics Committee Act 2010 in place. It needs to be tweaked. Similarly, it may be that the Judicial Commission Appointments Act 2009 will have to be amended to make it wholly independent of the Judiciary in the manner originally proposed by the Bar. This is after all the way in which the commission operates in the UK.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Similarly, to ensure that justice is seen to be done, it may be the case that the judges of the Federal Court and the Court of Appeal be required to deliver written grounds of judgment for every appellate decision of those courts. This will make their reasoning known to litigants and the wider public, and ensure that due consideration is given to the issues that arise for determination. It will also eliminate concerns about selective decision-making.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Also, it would best for all appeals to the Federal Court to be determined by panels of at least 7 or 9 judges, each of whom write or contribute to the written decisions of the court. This is, after all, the practice of the apex courts in the USA, the UK and Australia, a practice that ensures the development of the law in a coherent manner. The Federal Court is after all the apex court tasked with supervising and developing judge made law in the public interest.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
These changes are easily applied without the need for constitutional amendment. However, those seeking change will have to wrestle with entrenched ways of thinking, comfort zones, or circumstances, these obviously beneficial practices have not to date been adopted. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Dealing with an entrenched culture is going to be one of the biggest challenges to the institutional reform. It will have to be driven through unrelentingly by administrators capable of staring it down. Amongst the most important of these administrators is the Attorney General. That is why I think that the reform process can only truly start, going from theory to practice, when we have an Attorney General who understands what is needed and is not daunted by the challenge.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
That is why a new Attorney General has to be appointed as quickly as possible, one who is capable of doing what it takes but who remains accountable to Parliament. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
MIS</div>
<div>
<br /></div>
Malik Imtiaz Sarwarhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06047439912593830984noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1181672827682662169.post-55707338752796522442018-05-15T06:49:00.001+08:002018-05-15T06:49:26.123+08:00On The Attorney General<div style="text-align: justify;">
There are calls for a non-political Attorney General. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
If the Attorney General were only the Public Prosecutor, this would make sense. You would want the person vested with the power and discretion to prosecute to be wholly free from influence. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
However, the Federal Constitution says that the Attorney General is also the Public Prosecutor, and thus serves the dual function of both being the legal advisor to, and the representative of, the Government as well as the Public Prosecutor.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
It is for this reason that the Federal Constitution allows for the appointment of a Member of Parliament to be the Attorney General, who may even be appointed as a member of the Cabinet (see Article138(2) and Article 145). In this way, the Attorney General can be made accountable to Parliament.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
This is a vital dimension of the discussion and should not be overlooked. This accountability would extend to the role of the Attorney General as Public Prosecutor. Decisions made in that latter capacity could also be reviewed and scrutinised in Parliament.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
I appreciate, however, that there is basis for concern as to the potential for political influence to creep into the sphere of prosecutorial discretion. That concern can only be completely addressed by a constitutional amendment that separates the office of the Attorney General from that of the Public Prosecutor. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
That is something, as I understand it, the Pakatan Harapan is committed to doing. It however requires steps to be taken, Apart from the constitutional amendment, it would be necessary, amongst other things, to establish a separate body akin to the Crown Prosecution Service in England, the reassigning of officers of the Attorney General’s Chambers to that new body, the amendment of criminal laws to provide for this fundamental change.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Such steps must also be taken in tandem with the other reforms the Pakatan Harapan says it will introduce, in particular the reshaping of the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission into an independent body accountable to Parliament. If this is taken to the fullest, it could possibly involve the head of that agency also being given an independent power to prosecute.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
To put this into play, there is a need for continued political will for such change. The new Attorney General must be someone who can see to it that the Pakatan Harapan does not lose steam on the subject or, for other reasons, retract its position on the commitment. An Attorney General who is a Member of Parliament and in the Pakatan Harapan would be able to do that more effectively than an outsider. The candidate for Attorney General must however be someone who is seen as committed to this change and who is capable of delivering it.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
In the meanwhile, there are ways in which any lingering concerns about political influence on prosecutorial discretion can be addressed temporarily. The Attorney General could seek to exclude himself from decisions to prosecute or not by delegating the functions of the Public Prosecutor to the Solicitor General. Should the need arise, a lawyer from private practice could be contracted as the Solicitor General for that purpose. Additionally, independent oversight committees could be established to oversee decisions made. And, the Attorney General could be asked to prepare reports for Parliament. For this purpose, if necessary, an Administration Of Justice Act could be enacted.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
The office of the Attorney General is pivotal to the reforms in the administration of justice that the Pakatan Harapan has committed to. Whoever fills that position must not only be a person recognised for integrity and principle, but also to the Rule of Law and the highest standards of the due administration of justice.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
He or she must also be committed to those reforms and must be able to drive the process through to completion, working both with the Government and other stakeholders. This calls for an understanding of the processes involved in the administration of justice as a whole, and in the civil and criminal justice systems. That person must also be able to work with the officers of the Attorney General’s Chambers, who in turn should be able to relate to him or her. Internal resistance would undermine any efforts to introduce reforms.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Ultimately though, that person must be accountable to Parliament from the outset.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
MIS</div>
<div>
<br /></div>
Malik Imtiaz Sarwarhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06047439912593830984noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1181672827682662169.post-14042621113711001002014-04-26T17:11:00.000+08:002014-04-26T17:11:05.261+08:00Defending the basic structure<br />
<div style="text-align: justify;">
It appears that PAS will be seeking to give effect to the Kelantan Syariah Criminal Code Enactment II of 1993 by way of a Private Members Bill in Parliament. Through this, PAS aims to introduce hudud laws into Kelantan for Muslims living I the state. The term ‘hudud’ (literally “limits”) refers to offences (and their corresponding punishment or sentence) that are considered by jurists to have been prescribed by the Quran and the Sunnah of the Prophet Muhammad. Punishments include death (by stoning), flogging and amputation.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
It may be recalled that the 1993 Enactment, like its counterpart the Terengganu Syariah Criminal Enactment of 2003, which additionally introduced Qisas (retaliatory) offences and punishment, have been the subject of controversy since their inception. These laws, it was thought by many, were not only unconstitutional; they sought to codify impressions of Islamic criminal law that were not necessarily universally accepted.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Both the Kelantan and the Terengganu Enactments did not come into force, in part because of challenges to their constitutionality and public outcry. In 2003, Zaid Ibrahim was given leave by the Federal Court to challenge the validity of these enactments on the basis that the Legislative Assemblies of Kelantan and Terengganu did not have the competence to enact these laws. I appeared as counsel for Zaid Ibrahim. The Government of Malaysia, through the Attorney General, supported the applications. Though the petitions were ultimately withdrawn, the matter was thought to have ended there. The subject remained within the realm of politics and political brinksmanship.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Or so it was thought. The recent initiative to implement the Kelantan Enactment, albeit with the endorsement of Parliament, calls for a reappraisal of the matter, in particular its constitutionality and lawfulness.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
No matter how many times the politicians say otherwise, Malaysia is not an Islamic state from a legal standpoint. The Federal Constitution declares itself the supreme law of the land. All actions by all organs of the State, including the Legislature and the Executive, at the Federal and State levels, must act consistently with that supreme law. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Legislative power is divided between Parliament and the respective state legislative assemblies. The delineation of legislative powers is prescribed by the Federal Constitution itself, the 9th Schedule of which sets out in three separate lists – the Federal, State and Concurrent Lists – the fields of legislative competence of these lawmaking bodies. Criminal law as the term is commonly understood is within the domain of Parliament. The aim was to allow for the creation of a uniform system of criminal law applicable to all persons in Malaysia, a state of affairs required by the guarantees of equality before the law, equal protection of the law, and the equal protection of life and liberty. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
A minor exception was allowed for. Recognising the place of Islamic personal law in pre-merdeka Malaya (later Malaysia), State legislative assemblies were vested with the power to create Islamic law for personal law purposes. This included the power to establish Islamic courts, and create offences against Islamic precepts. In deference to federal control over matters of criminal law, the Federal Constitution required that sentencing powers for such offences be vested in the Islamic courts by Parliament. As thing stand, a federal statute – Syariah Courts (Criminal Jurisdiction) Act 1965 (Revised 1988) – limits the sentencing powers of the shariah courts to imprisonment of three years, with any fine exceeding five thousand ringgit or with whipping exceeding six strokes, or with any combination thereof.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Although we are yet to see what it is that the Private Members Bill is aimed at, it stands to reason that it will seek to amend the 1965 Act in so far as Kelantan is concerned to allow for hudud offences and sentences, with particular reference to the 1993 Enactment. From media reports it would seem that some PAS Members of Parliament are of the view that a simple majority of members present in the Dewan Rakyat would be sufficient to push the bill, and as such hudud in Kelantan, through. I beg to differ.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
For one, this viewpoint ignores the fact that the Kelantan legislative assembly was not competent to enact the 1993 Enactment. In creating the offences and prescribing the sentences that it does, it has encroached into the domain of Parliament for having created criminal offences. It has in effect created a parallel system of Islamic criminal law that goes beyond the constitutionally contemplated scheme of personal law offences. This not only violates the legislative provisions of the Federal Constitution, it offends the various guarantees of fundamental liberties accorded by the Federal Constitution to all citizens, including the Muslims of Kelantan. It would wholly undermine the constitutional arrangement of this nation and irreparably damage its basic structure. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
If this is what the Private Members bill seeks to achieve, then it is clearly misconceived. Leave aside concerns about the basic structure, such an effort would be tantamount to an attempt to amend the Federal Constitution. In the ordinary course, this would require a majority comprising two-thirds of all members of both Houses of Parliament. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
As I understand it, private members bills are not treated as matters of priority. I cannot recall when we last heard of one being debated in Parliament, they are pushed to the end of the list and called up only on the completion of government business. Chances are that the proposed bill would never see the light of day.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
The political climate is however murky, and extremism appears to be lurking on the fringes. A declining economy, continuous emphasis on race and religion and an ineffective education system have collectively served as an incubator for a reactionary mindset amongst a large number of Malaysians. I am concerned that desperate ambition may make an alliance with PAS on this subject seem acceptable to UMNO. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
If so, and I hope it not to be the case, then it cannot be emphasised enough that the context make this a matter of great seriousness. The implications are tremendous. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
This is not about Islam, or being anti-Islam. I do not think it open to anyone to suggest that the legal framework of this country has done anything other than to serve and promote the interests of the religion. Muslims in this country have every resource at their disposal to profess and practice their faith. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Rather, this is about standing by a shared commitment that we undertook in 1957 when we declared ourselves citizens of an independent nation.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<b><i>Malik Imtiaz Sarwar is a practising lawyer and the Immediate Past President of the National Human Rights Society of Malaysia (HAKAM). This comment is dedicated to the memory of the late Karpal Singh who fearlessly and untiringly defended the basic structure of this nation</i></b></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
Malik Imtiaz Sarwarhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06047439912593830984noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1181672827682662169.post-76300848298490678192014-04-25T08:10:00.000+08:002014-04-25T08:11:37.054+08:00Tribute to Karpal Singh<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br />
(I was privileged to have been invited to speak at the memorial event held in honour of the late Karpal Singh on 24th April 2014)</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Allow me to begin by expressing my heartfelt condolences to the family of the late Mr Karpal Singh. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Mr Karpal was a close friend of the family. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
I grew up with his children, became their schoolmates in secondary school. First Jagdeep, a year below me, then Gobind, Ram, and Sangeet. Mankarpal was a little too far behind. We treated each other’s houses as our own. We were close enough for our respective mothers to scold us all. There was no discrimination. I describe this to you not as a mark of distinction, or a source of pride, but rather as a means to say that the man I came to know, and love dearly, was always simply Uncle Karpal.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
As a young boy, he was a towering presence. Larger than life. That man on the posters, on the back of the jeeps, vans and lorries that carried him on his election campaigns. The walls of the boys’ rooms were filled with cut outs of his exploits, the Lat cartoons that he was quite regularly featured in. His was that comforting presence that, often absent, was nonetheless cherished, even if it involved some of the strangest pranks. In him, we had an ally, not just someone who would protect us from the wrath of our mothers when we created trouble, but someone who would quite happily get involved in the mischief we were brewing if he had the chance. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Curiously, it seemed the like the most normal thing in the world. This world-class advocate, fearless defender of human rights, parliamentarian, to be getting wholly involved in the childishness his sons and I were more than happy to engage in every chance we got. He was just the coolest person in my view. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Maybe it was because we, I, didn’t quite understand the true nature of events that were unfolding. Those became apparent in 1987. I was in Singapore for my A Levels when he was detained.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
I knew by then that I would become a lawyer. I knew too that I wanted as much as possible to be able to fight the causes that I believed in. It’s only with his passing that I have come to realise how much he had influenced that choice. How much of a role model he had been. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
I would like to focus on Karpal the lawyer.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
I spent some time today meandering through the list of reported cases that Karpal handled. There were almost a 1000 according to the Current Law Journal database. His achievements, and it did not matter whether he won or lost the case, that was decided on the facts, he more usually than not, won the point of law, were like a road map to the evolution of criminal and constitutional law in the country. The right of accused persons to counsel, to the principles underlying the granting of habeas corpus, the standard of proof in criminal cases, the powers of the monarchs in the constitutional framework that governs us, the democratic underpinnings of our electoral system, the fundamental liberties of citizens, these and many other principles he helped clarify through the courts, signpost our nation’s journey through the four plus decades that he was a member of the Bar.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
It did not matter that he was constantly beseiged, in one way or the other. It did not matter that the disappointments were many. He held an unshakeable belief in the validity of the system, its value. He had faith in our constitutional system, and measured his value by how he could contribute to that system as a lawyer. In all the tributes from lawyers and judges that have poured in since his untimely passing, the narrative has been one of a ethical, gentlemanly advocate who was skilled and appreciated the nature of the adversarial process.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
As I read through his cases this afternoon, I was humbled. The practise of law in this country has become more of a challenge with each passing year. More increasingly, those of us who appear in the courts ask what value we bring to the process, to our clients. But challenging as it is for us, was it less challenging for those who preceded us? Karpal had to face operasi Lalang, the constitutional crisis of 1988 and its terrible impact on the judiciary and the legal system, the 1998 trials of Anwar Ibrahim, the scandals that the V K Lingam RCI brought into focus. He was unfaltering, unwavering in his commitment to his duties as lawyer, citizen and statesman.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
It does not mean that he was not frustrated. In the last few years, I began to spend much more time in the appellate courts. There, lawyers spend many hours waiting to be called up. It gave me a chance to talk to him, lawyer to lawyer, though in all honesty, it was difficult not to revert to that fidgety child he probably remembered, and thought of, me as. But the one thing that came through consistently was that we could not give up. We had to soldier on for the betterment of the profession, the nation.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
It reminded me of what Raja Aziz Addruse, another towering Malaysian, used to say. We have to keep on knocking our heads against that door. One day, it will open, and some light will shine through.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
That is the legacy that Karpal left us. That is the sacred trust that we carry in his memory. He asked for nothing and gave of himself wholly. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Let me end with an image painted in words by William Blake.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Tiger, tiger, burning bright<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span> </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
In the forests of the night,<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span> </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
What immortal hand or eye<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span> </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Dare frame thy fearful symmetry?<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Farewell, Tiger of Jelutong.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
MIS</div>
<div>
<br /></div>
Malik Imtiaz Sarwarhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06047439912593830984noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1181672827682662169.post-91264359224137621682014-03-23T08:38:00.001+08:002014-03-23T08:38:23.842+08:00A different paradigm<div style="text-align: justify;">
I have been finding writing my monthly opinion piece an increasingly challenging task over the last year. It is not for a lack of material; this country is a veritable goldmine when it comes to things to write about, especially in a column on the rule of law. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
In just the last two weeks, we have seen Anwar Ibrahim convicted of sodomy and sentenced by the Court of Appeal in a manner that has raised some eyebrows (while glasses have been raised in other quarters, I am sure), and Karpal Singh sentenced to a fine of RM4,000 for saying something which, it would appear, can only be thought of and done (but not spoken of) after a hearing in which the prosecution demanded that the court impose a deterrent custodial sentence on the wheelchair bound septuagenarian for his being a threat to the institutions of this country. Additionally, MH370 disappeared in circumstances which almost everyone but the Malaysian government is describing as questionable, and a Deputy Minister is reported to have described non-Malays as being less sensitive to the rape of their children. Marquez or Llosa could not have asked for better material with which to paint their caricatures of the banana republics that were often the focus of their writing.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
The truth is evident, I think. We have plummeted as a nation to a level of intellectual and moral bankruptcy that is as staggering as it is banal. It seems that we are mired in the political schemes of an elite that no longer cares what others think of it and which believes it is entitled to act in its own interests over everything else. Were it not the case, the Government would be acknowledging that the nation is being brought to its knees, and is staring in the face of potential sectarianism, by the self-serving policies that it continues to impose on Malaysians. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
It can, and probably will for as long as it is able to, continue to delude itself into believing that it is doing more than paying lip service to the legitimate expectations of all Malaysians to social security. Reality however has a tendency to impose itself in the most inconvenient manner. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
For instance, who will provide for the thousands of unemployable Malaysians who have been churned out by academic institutions of dubious value that the regime continues to defend against criticism. If Malaysian universities are not getting into the top ranks of academic institutions internationally, is it not obvious that they are not being managed in a way that they need to be? Would it not be better to address the real problem rather than deflect the issue by blaming everything but what really needs to be blamed? It may be that Malaysian leaders have over the years have been hardwired to think and act in that way. How else can one explain the Defence Minister retorting: “There is only confusion is you want to see confusion” to suggestions from the international media on MH370. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
What happens when racial policies have left the institutions in the hands of persons simply not qualified or competent to act in a manner their roles require, if that has not happened already? None of us would put ourselves in the hands of a cardio-thoracic surgeon who was not qualified and sufficiently experienced to do what he or she had to do. And yet, the Government continues to do just that with the nation. A cursory glance at the institutions of state would reveal that we do not, as a rule, have the best people for the job in the institutions of the state (this is not to say that all those in positions of leadership are not qualified or competent). I think the Government would be hard-pressed to say otherwise. And yet, these individuals are defining and implementing policies that will have a tremendous impact on the future of this country.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
The point is that all of this has been said before. It has become an overarching theme in general, at all levels and in varied forms. Public discussion or agitation of these matters appears to have had little or no effect. Attempts at shaming our leadership have been met with stoic indifference. Efforts to engage in critical discourse have been skewed. In the meanwhile, business carries on as usual. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
It seems therefore that the political elite operates in a completely different paradigm, one in which the notion of subordinating personal interests to those of the community is wholly repugnant. It has perhaps been foolish for us to think or expect otherwise. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
For all that it promises that paradigm is seductive; wealth, influence, power and all that these things bring with them. For some, if not many, these are highly relevant considerations, particularly so in a society that has become ever more obsessed with material gain. Others, sickened by what it is that this country has become, have left or are planning to.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
What purpose then does it serve to continue to highlight the deficiencies of the system, or to propose reforms? These efforts are only meaningful if Malaysians as a whole accept the fundamentals as being of universal application, which one system of governance applies equally to all of us, and not selectively.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
It is true that the state of affairs in this country has now been brought under international scrutiny by the tragic disappearance of MH370. Describing Malaysia as “an ethnically polarized society where talent often does not rise to the top of government because of patronage politics within the ruling party and a system of ethnic preferences that discourages or blocks the country’s minorities, mainly ethnic Chinese and Indians, from government service”, Thomas Fuller of the New York Times recently noted that “worldwide bafflement at the disappearance of Malaysia Airlines Flight 370 has challenged the country’s paternalistic political culture and exposed its coddled leaders to the withering judgments of critics from around the world.” </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Judging by the response from our Government, it appears that very little will change. </div>
<div>
<br /></div>
<div>
MIS</div>
<div>
<br /></div>
<div>
(<i>First published in The Edge, 22nd March 2014</i>)</div>
Malik Imtiaz Sarwarhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06047439912593830984noreply@blogger.com2tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1181672827682662169.post-81445355680099450162013-10-20T14:44:00.001+08:002013-10-20T14:44:25.907+08:00A matter of law, not policy<br />
<div style="text-align: justify;">
It looks fairly certain that the decision of the Court of Appeal on the use of the word “Allah” in the Malay version of the newsletter of the Catholic Church, Herald, will be appealed to the Federal Court. It is improbable that the apex court will deny permission to appeal, considering the obvious constitutional implications of the matter.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
It is obvious that the Federal Court will have much to consider. Amongst the criticism leveled against the Court of Appeal is the suggestion that the Court had made a policy decision, as opposed to a legal one. Considering the reasons advanced by the judges concerned for their decision, there is substance to this complaint. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
The Court of Appeal was required merely to determine whether the High Court judge had arrived at a decision that was consistent with the relevant legal principles. That decision related to only one question; whether the Home Affairs Minister had exercised his powers in a manner that was justified in law in imposing the condition that the word “Allah” was not to be used in the publication. And while the Court of Appeal would have been right to interpret such law as it was required to for the purpose of deciding whether the High Court judge had erred, it ought not have gone so far as to effectively develop a legal framework for the protection of Islam. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Settled principles of law dictate that the courts are not to substitute the decisions of administrators with those of the courts. All that the courts can do in affording judicial review is to consider whether the administrator concerned, in this instance the Minister, had adopted the correct decision making process, and whether the administrative decision challenged was reasonable having regard to the circumstances as they stood at the time the administrative decision was made. These legal constraints were in fact recognised by the judges of the Court of Appeal who discussed them in their respective judgments.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
In this context, all that the Court of Appeal ought have done was to enquire into the reasons advanced by the High Court to quash the decision of the Minister. These reasons ultimately centered on one primary conclusion; that the Minister had no reasonable basis on which he could objectively conclude that the use of the word “Allah” in the Herald would be a threat to public order.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
A review of this conclusion by the Court of Appeal would have entailed an objective consideration of the basis of the Minister’s decision, that is the factual considerations that the Minister took into account at the time he made the decision, with a view to determining whether his decision was one that any reasonable person in the Minister’s shoes would have made. For this purpose, negative reactions on the part of the public to the decision of the High Court were not relevant, it being a matter of established principle that the popularity of a decision of the courts is not the yardstick by which the correctness of that decision is to be measured. Were it otherwise, many a litigant would arrange for public controversy in order to gain a foothold in the appellate courts.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
It must be appreciated that at the most fundamental level, the complaint of the Catholic Church was that the condition impacted on the right of the Church, and the members of its congregation, to express themselves fully. And while it is tempting to characterise disputes of such a nature as concerning the freedom of religion, this was really a case about the freedom of expression. From a constitutional standpoint, it is established principle that all Malaysians have the right to say what it is they want save where their right to do so has been limited by law on grounds of national security and public order. Such law must however be reasonable, and the restraint on expression limited to only what is essential to achieve the aim of the law. These constraints apply equally to any administrative action sanctioned by law.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
It is telling that the current Deputy Home Minister has sought to justify the decision of the Court of Appeal by limiting it to publications by the Herald. And while the Deputy Home Minister may have a point, the case concerns only the permit to publish the Herald and nothing else, the assertion that the word “Allah” can still be used in Malay language bibles in East Malaysia wholly undermines the position taken by the then Home Minister that the use of the word by the Herald would result in public disorder. The Church has after all accepted that the Herald can only be circulated to the Church’s congregation.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Seen in this light, there was no necessity for the Court of Appeal to enquire into, and conclude on, what was integral to the Christian faith. It is not for the courts to define what is and what is not essential in any faith and I can see no reason for any superior court in this country to ever take such an extraordinary step. Not only is such a course wholly inconsistent with the various dimensions of the constitutionally guaranteed freedom of religion, it is unnececessary. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Any concerns about the intersection of the free practice of religion and public order are addressed by the constitution itself. The freedom of religion is expressed in a manner that permits the legislature, and consequently the State, to encroach where required to by the dictates of public order. It is unnecessary for the courts to determine whether a particular practice is essential to a particular faith, or not, in such cases as the constitution focuses attention on solely the maintenance of public order. The courts are as such only required to consider whether a particular course of conduct on the part of the administration is justified by reference to the public order concerns asserted.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Even in those limited cases where a court is called upon to determine a question of fact that relates to the practice of religion, and in my experience this occurs exclusively in the Islamic sphere as, unlike the other religions of this country, the Islamic faith is regulated by law, the Courts only go so far as interpreting codified law, often with the assistance of experts. For instance, in two matters that came before the Federal Court several years ago, it was contended that the legislature of the states of Terengganu and Selangor had acted without power in creating certain offences. The Federal Court availed itself of the views of experts in order to determine what the phrase “precepts of Islam” in the constitution meant. Similarly, in the early 1990s the Penang High Court took into consideration a fatwa in determining whether a person had died a Muslim.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
It is unfortunate that the Court of Appeal felt it necessary to go as far as it did. Respectfully, the court appears to have substituted its own decision for that of the Minister, albeit to the same end. This was unfortunate, not least because the decision has fueled fears concerning efforts to establish the primacy of Islam in the public sphere and the implications this has. It has also overshadowed the emphatic declaration by the Supreme Court in 1988 that the public law of this country is secular.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Stripped of political implications, the case is one that is easily determined. It was made controversial by certain quarters for their own purposes. Regrettably, in failing to recognise the controversy for what it was, the Court of Appeal may have inadvertently laid the ground for the further machinations of those who would divide this nation.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
It is my sincere hope that the Federal Court will appreciate that the case was only ever about whether the “Allah” condition was warranted, reasonable and accorded with the constitutional guarantee of free expression. Whatever the decision the court ultimately arrives on this narrow issue, it is imperative for the court to deal with the highly divisive policy dictates of the decision of the Court of Appeal. It can do so by underscoring that religion is a personal matter and theological debates cannot, and must never, be brought into the courts. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
MIS</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
(First published in The Edge on 19.10.2013)</div>
<br />
Malik Imtiaz Sarwarhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06047439912593830984noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1181672827682662169.post-87028698319082424692013-09-15T09:12:00.001+08:002013-09-15T09:12:44.163+08:00And so it has come to this<br />
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Another merdeka day has come, and with it an opportunity to consider where it is that we are at.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Current affairs points to it having come to this; ideologues, of the totalitarian kind, saying things of very little value or sense in as loud as manner as possible, content in the knowledge that in Malaysia those who bray as brashly as possible and for the longest time usually win the day. And the reality is that very few are capable of doing that and, were they to try, would fail at the outset. For them (meaning most of us in this sadly undermined nation that has been held to ransom by its politics), some things are just too ridiculous to say.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Not for those who hold sway over the airwaves and the media it would seem. For them, it is perfectly normal to act as if the laws of this country, in particular the Federal Constitution, do not apply any more, except when convenient to them.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
For them it does not appear to matter that the supreme law we were entrusted with in 1957 guarantees us a representative democracy in which a very clear line is drawn between the government of the day and the nation we live in. In this land, which belongs equally to all of us, we are allowed to express dissent or dissatisfaction with our elected government without that amounting to a lack of patriotism. We are allowed to say, if we think so, that those who claim to lead us are fools who do not have their minds wrapped around the issues that so fundamentally affect us in a way that circumstances required, be they shootings by the police, or the potential economic meltdown that appears to be staring at us over the horizon.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
For them, nation and elected government are one and the same. Criticism of one is the other. Hence, we are facing the possibility of having to compulsorily fly flags and stand up when the national anthem is played in cinemas. All in the name of a misguided notion of what exactly I am not sure. As I see it, no one has expressed any disloyalty to the nation, in as much as many are critical of the government of the day.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
The nuances are however obscured. Legitimate criticism is labeled sedition, even as those who label say some of the most scandalous things imaginable. Questions are taken as threats. Mistakes are treated as if they are declarations of war. To these quarters, the nation is under serious threat, under siege in the most terrifying way; we are about to explode, disintegrate, and be annihilated. If they are to be believed, the sky is about to fall on our heads.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
For them, those who do not like the way the Government is doing things and say so undermine the stability of this nation and, to borrow an expression, should leave the country. Otherwise, they should be deprived of their citizenship. This, they suggest, is to stop any further undermining of the nation.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
This seems to me to be a ridiculous state of affairs, one calling for intervention on the part of the Executive or the agencies of state. The only thing that appears under siege, and I say this with the greatest respect to the freedom of those concerned to say what they think (and in the belief that the rest of us are equally entitled to say what it is we feel), is the seeming fragile personalities of these ideologues. So overwhelmed are they by the shifting sands of the Malaysian socio-political landscape that they have been taxed into a state of intellectual paralysis.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Islam is not, and could never be, under siege. It is the religion of the majority of the citizens on this country. It has been given legal status in a way the other major (or minor) religions of this country have not. Its administration is effected through a bureaucratic apparatus that, I think, is unrivalled anywhere else in the world.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
The Malays, howsoever one defines the term (this is a vexed question that comes up from time to time), constitutionally or anthropologically, are not under siege. They form the majority of this nation. Their status has been recognised by several constitutional provisions, one of which provides a pathway to affirmative action. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Malaysia is not under siege, except perhaps by those who insist on thrusting their perverse views of what it is they aspire to without regard to the sensitivities of others (those from all backgrounds) or the established legal framework. We are at peace with our neighbours, and no sovereign nation is threatening to invade us. We have a defense budget that ensures that we have the means to protect ourselves and we have friends who will come to our aid if need be.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Yet, despite this obvious state of affairs, the Executive has worryingly chosen to avoid involving itself. It has not sought to curtail, either by open dialogue with these ideologues or otherwise, this alarming trend. Further, from a third party perspective it seems like the agencies and institutions of state do not seem to be too concerned either. They appear to be relatively content with this alarming state of affairs, for them it is business as usual. The implications are of grave concern, some quarters may well believe that these ideologues may be justified in what they are saying or doing. This will undoubtedly resulted in an undermining, some might say further undermining, of the system.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
It will also serve to distract us from the real threat to this society, a lack of competitiveness that is the product of a administrative framework that has been tolerant, even accepting, of corruption, and that has been shaped not so much by reference to merit but rather a mélange of cronyism, racial preferences and politics. Entrenched in this is a public service organization, and this includes the education system, that is struggling to remain relevant in the globalised world. This lack of competitiveness has been the subject of recent discussion amongst a range of persons regionally who have an interest in this nation and its continued well-being.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Curiously, this is not something that the ideologues feel too concerned about. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
So, where does that leave us this merdeka? With much to think about, I feel. The, any, government of the day must start asking some very difficult questions, and look beyond its political self-interest. I would be surprised if it was not already doing so. The nation is floundering and is in desperate need of statesmanship. Parochial perspectives that ignore the fundamentals of this nation are, and will continue, to do much damage. The incumbent government must step up and start acting responsibly as a government of all the peoples of Malaysia.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
And it can start by explaining to us, not with slogans or fancy advertisements but with concrete and decisive action, why it is that Malaysians have before them the endless possibilities that it seems to think we have before us.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
MIS</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
(This comment was first published in The Edge on 2nd September 2013)</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
Malik Imtiaz Sarwarhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06047439912593830984noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1181672827682662169.post-75573885542741376932013-05-22T14:15:00.000+08:002013-05-22T14:15:58.434+08:00Of confrontation and reconciliation<br />
<div style="text-align: justify;">
And so the General Election has come and gone and the Barisan Nasional has been returned to power at the Federal level with a reduced majority. Concerns that the election process were unfair from the systemic standpoint brought into focus by the Coalition on Free and Fair Elections (Bersih), and would become even more so during on election day, have spiraled into unequivocal assertions of wholesale electoral fraud. The extent of the matter is such that even the international press has felt obliged to air concerns on the part of some quarters that the elections were hijacked. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
The Pakatan Rakyat thinks so, as do a sizeable number of Malaysians, enough for several rallies on the subject to have been more than convincingly attended by Malaysians. The anger and disappointment being expressed goes beyond the normal frustrations of a voter whose candidate was not returned; it would be foolish to characterize it as such. It cannot be overlooked that, as rhetorical as it may seem, some have denied the legitimacy of the current government.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Much of this anger is directed at the Election Commission whose duty it is to ensure that all election officers shall act with fairness, impartiality and in compliance with the Federal Constitution. Some have asked for the Election Commission to resign. Lim Kit Siang, whose DAP has the second largest block of parliamentarians, has called for a bipartisan parliamentary committee to be put in place to recommend a replacement Election Commission.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
No matter how one looks at it, it is manifest that the purity of the electoral process in the 13th General Election is severely under question. It requires more of a response from the Government that the sweeping dismissiveness we have seen thus far. Bersih, to public acclaim, has initiated the establishing of a “People’s Tribunal”. Rather than rejecting as the whimsy of a group of un-subservient non-governmental organisations - and it is prudent here to note that Tun Mahathir initiated a similar tribunal on war crimes not too long ago on the basis that the criminals, as he saw them, would not be brought to justice by a system they were very much a part of – the Government should view the idea as one that it should support. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
For one, it is in line with the national reconciliation that the Prime Minister promised on election night. More fundamentally, the Government should support the idea – perhaps by advising the Yang di-Pertuan Agong to establish a Royal Commission on the matter – for it being a means to allow the truth to emerge, and to that end, a conduit by which the frustrations of a sizeable section of the community can be channeled. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
It would not be sufficient to point to the courts, as some have done, as a means of addressing the matter of electoral fraud. For one, in as much as the Chief Justice may be trying to rebuild public confidence in the Judiciary there is still some way to go on that journey. There are still traces of the suborning of the institution by the Mahathir Administration, not least the amendment to vital provisions of the Constitution, as is the lingering perception that the courts may not be as cut off from the Executive as they should be. It is of no value to say, as one UMNO parliamentarian did recently, that Anwar Ibrahim or other members of the opposition seem to have no problems with the courts in light of his utilizing the judicial process to gain redress for defamation. That is a facile point of view that does not do justice to the complexities of the subject of judicial independence.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
For another, in the minds of many, the perceived electoral fraud appears to have been coordinated and to that end had a systemic nature to it. Many point to the revelations that have sprung from the on-going Royal Commission on Project IC to underscore their concerns that foreigners voted in the elections. If true, this necessarily involved state actors who may have well abused powers in doing what they did. This is a matter that the Election courts may not be in a position to address as fully as the situation warrants.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
The Election courts are creatures of statute. They are limited in the scope of their scrutiny. In part this is due to a restrictive approach that the apex court has over time laid down. This requires such courts to act strictly by reference to the legislation that circumscribes such courts, rather than the underlying purpose of the law. As such, though the courts recognize the need for due emphasis to be given to the overriding principles of democracy, and the need to protect the purity of the election process, they are often times left powerless to deal with what might reasonably be perceived as electoral impropriety by an unduly strict interpretation of the legislation imposed on them by the apex court. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
This approach has left lawyers and petitioner having to navigate through a minefield of procedural obstacles that have ultimately drastically reduced the number of, otherwise potentially, successful challenges. The strictness of this approach has, in my respectful opinion, undermined the right of the voter to a free and fair election and the associated right of meaningful access to justice. As was observed by Justice David Wong Dak Wah, now Judge of the Court of Appeal, in 2008:</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
“In my view if a 'strict observance' approach is adopted by the courts, those rights will definitely be diluted. Take the case of the right of access to justice. If a 'strict observance approach' is adopted, no citizen will be able to act for himself or herself to file an election petition because surely as night follows day the petition would be knocked out by preliminary objections. Further if the respondents' contention is sustained, the petitioner will have to go through the relevant provisions of the Election Act, Election Offences Act or Election (Conduct of Elections) Regulations 1981 with a fine tooth comb and put the relevant provision in the petition. That would be a task which a petitioner will not be able to fulfill. I say that for the simple reason that day in day out in our courts, judges, Sessions Court Judges or Magistrates have seen it fit to amend charges in criminal cases when they held that the charge had been wrongly framed by the prosecution. In those criminal cases, the charges are drafted by qualified lawyers and yet they had been found to be wrong. So in election cases, what chance does a person who wants to file an election petition himself or herself have? My answer would be next to none and that would in my view make the constitutional right of access of justice an illusionary one. The remedies of law should be accessible to the ordinary people and laws should not be interpreted in such a manner that only rocket scientist can access remedies in the law as that cannot ever be the intention of Parliament.” </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Having regard to the nature of the complaints made public thus far, challenges would in effect require the mounting of cases of either corrupt practice or electoral offences. This would require the petitioners to state from the outset, with great specificity akin to the framing of a criminal charge, the exact wrongful act done, the time and place of the wrongdoing, and the persons involved. The nature of things may impede that process. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Some may recall that Zaid Ibrahim’s election petition in respect of the by-election for the Hulu Selangor parliamentary constituency put in issue amongst other things, Najib Razak’s promise at a rally that the Government would donate RM3 million to a school in the constituency if the Barisan Nasional candidate were returned. Though the promise was a matter of public record and the subject of intense national discussion, the petition was struck out as Zaid Ibrahim had not pleaded in the petition itself the identity of persons in the hall at the time the promise was made. Zaid had the information and was ready to subpoena the persons concerned at trial, but never made it that far. His well-intentioned desire to protect the individuals cost him the opportunity.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
This is not to say that the aggrieved should avoid the courts. They must seek recourse and present their respective cases as best as they can. I doubt however that the court actions will in themselves serve to assuage the discontented amongst us.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
It would equally be irresponsible for the Government to continue to allow attempts to divert attention from the problem by means of racist and extremist rhetoric. This is going to do great damage to the nation, and deepen fissures that highly divisive policies, and an extremely racialist election campaign that the Barisan Nasional unashamedly took credit for, have created. It is truly a sad state of affairs that Malaysians in this time and age are being subjected to this kind of venom. And it says much about the Barisan Nasional government that Malaysia remains one of the very small group of countries that have yet to ratify the 1966 International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
In the same vein, it would be foolhardy for the Government to resort to strong-arm tactics involving the suppression of peaceable assembly and expression. This would only serve to inflame the situation.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
The way forward for the Government on this issue is self-evident. It needs to confront the subject and deal with it in a transparent and accountable manner. This obvious truth makes it equally plain that Najib Razak may have no choice in the matter.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
MIS</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
(This comment first appeared in my 'Rule of Law' column in The Edge on 18.05.2013)</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
Malik Imtiaz Sarwarhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06047439912593830984noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1181672827682662169.post-73031886545951826692013-05-07T06:50:00.002+08:002013-05-07T06:50:43.047+08:00Resolving doubts about GE13<br />
<br />
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">It is apparent that a sizeable enough number of Malaysians harbour doubts about the validity of the declared outcome of the 13th General Election in light of numerous complaints of electoral fraud. Given the possibility of fraud having occurred, possibly on a large scale, it is simply not open to Malaysians to accept the analysis of results now offered to them by reference to voter sentiment. This is more so for the fact that the popular vote was in favour of the Pakatan.</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">In this context BERSIH’s intended Peoples’ Tribunal is a welcome suggestion. It will allow Malaysians an opportunity to present proof of electoral fraud, such as there is, and look to answering the question of whether the polls were hijacked, and if so, by whom. I look forward to hearing more details of the proposed initiative. Such evidence that may come to light would then provide foundation for further initiatives.</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">The National Human Rights Commission (SUHAKAM) should facilitate the enquiry. Vested with statutory powers, it is empowered to do so in a way that BERSIH is not. It would be useful for persons with proof of fraud to lodge complaints directly with SUHAKAM.</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">I hope the Barisan Nasional Government of the day, and the institutions of the State will view this process as necessary, not least for the fact that it will allow those Malaysians who feel aggrieved, rightly or wrongly, to channel their frustrations in a constructive manner. To that end, they should look to facilitating the enquiry as well.</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">MIS</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
Malik Imtiaz Sarwarhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06047439912593830984noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1181672827682662169.post-70124716290043664892013-04-29T06:02:00.001+08:002013-04-29T06:02:21.499+08:00We, the people
<!--[if gte mso 9]><xml>
<o:OfficeDocumentSettings>
<o:AllowPNG/>
</o:OfficeDocumentSettings>
</xml><![endif]-->
<!--[if gte mso 9]><xml>
<w:WordDocument>
<w:View>Normal</w:View>
<w:Zoom>0</w:Zoom>
<w:TrackMoves/>
<w:TrackFormatting/>
<w:PunctuationKerning/>
<w:ValidateAgainstSchemas/>
<w:SaveIfXMLInvalid>false</w:SaveIfXMLInvalid>
<w:IgnoreMixedContent>false</w:IgnoreMixedContent>
<w:AlwaysShowPlaceholderText>false</w:AlwaysShowPlaceholderText>
<w:DoNotPromoteQF/>
<w:LidThemeOther>EN-US</w:LidThemeOther>
<w:LidThemeAsian>JA</w:LidThemeAsian>
<w:LidThemeComplexScript>X-NONE</w:LidThemeComplexScript>
<w:Compatibility>
<w:BreakWrappedTables/>
<w:SnapToGridInCell/>
<w:WrapTextWithPunct/>
<w:UseAsianBreakRules/>
<w:DontGrowAutofit/>
<w:SplitPgBreakAndParaMark/>
<w:EnableOpenTypeKerning/>
<w:DontFlipMirrorIndents/>
<w:OverrideTableStyleHps/>
<w:UseFELayout/>
</w:Compatibility>
<m:mathPr>
<m:mathFont m:val="Cambria Math"/>
<m:brkBin m:val="before"/>
<m:brkBinSub m:val="--"/>
<m:smallFrac m:val="off"/>
<m:dispDef/>
<m:lMargin m:val="0"/>
<m:rMargin m:val="0"/>
<m:defJc m:val="centerGroup"/>
<m:wrapIndent m:val="1440"/>
<m:intLim m:val="subSup"/>
<m:naryLim m:val="undOvr"/>
</m:mathPr></w:WordDocument>
</xml><![endif]--><!--[if gte mso 9]><xml>
<w:LatentStyles DefLockedState="false" DefUnhideWhenUsed="true"
DefSemiHidden="true" DefQFormat="false" DefPriority="99"
LatentStyleCount="276">
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="0" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Normal"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="heading 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" QFormat="true" Name="heading 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" QFormat="true" Name="heading 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" QFormat="true" Name="heading 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" QFormat="true" Name="heading 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" QFormat="true" Name="heading 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" QFormat="true" Name="heading 7"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" QFormat="true" Name="heading 8"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" QFormat="true" Name="heading 9"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 7"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 8"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 9"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="35" QFormat="true" Name="caption"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="10" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Title"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="1" Name="Default Paragraph Font"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="11" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Subtitle"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="22" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Strong"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="20" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="59" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Table Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Placeholder Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="1" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="No Spacing"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Shading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Dark List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Shading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Shading Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Grid Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Revision"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="34" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="List Paragraph"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="29" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Quote"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="30" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Intense Quote"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Dark List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Shading Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Grid Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Dark List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Shading Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Grid Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Dark List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Shading Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Grid Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Dark List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Shading Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Grid Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Dark List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Shading Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Grid Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Dark List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="19" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Subtle Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="21" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Intense Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="31" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Subtle Reference"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="32" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Intense Reference"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="33" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Book Title"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="37" Name="Bibliography"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" QFormat="true" Name="TOC Heading"/>
</w:LatentStyles>
</xml><![endif]-->
<!--[if gte mso 10]>
<style>
/* Style Definitions */
table.MsoNormalTable
{mso-style-name:"Table Normal";
mso-tstyle-rowband-size:0;
mso-tstyle-colband-size:0;
mso-style-noshow:yes;
mso-style-priority:99;
mso-style-parent:"";
mso-padding-alt:0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt;
mso-para-margin:0cm;
mso-para-margin-bottom:.0001pt;
mso-pagination:widow-orphan;
font-size:12.0pt;
font-family:Cambria;
mso-ascii-font-family:Cambria;
mso-ascii-theme-font:minor-latin;
mso-hansi-font-family:Cambria;
mso-hansi-theme-font:minor-latin;}
</style>
<![endif]-->
<!--StartFragment-->
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">And
so the General Election is finally here. 5<sup>th</sup> May 2013, a date some
are calling, to borrow a phrase from Nehru, our tryst with destiny, and yet
others, our day of reckoning. There is no doubt that there is electricity in the
air as Malaysians wait out these final days for the General Election that
seemed to have taken forever to materialise. This election, it would seem,
represents a true opportunity for something.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">For
many, the decision of who to vote for, one way or the other, was made the day
the 12<sup>th</sup> general election results were announced on that fateful day
in March 2008. Others though, made less certain by the events since then, have
an important decision to make. It is perhaps to this constituency that I offer
my comments.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">I
wrote in February (“A heartfelt choice”) of the three primary issues, as I see
them, that ought to determine our electoral choices: the rule of law,
corruption, and social inclusiveness. I stand by that determination and
reiterate that if we are truly concerned about the future of our young, then
our choices must be made on the basis that any government we vote in ought have
at the forefront of their policy framework measures that address these
subjects.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">It
appears however that these concerns, as fundamental as they are to some of us,
do not seem to resonate as strongly with others. Political loyalties, vested
interests, fear, amongst other things, are obscuring the implications of our
circumstance. They ask whether there is anything wrong with the way things are.
After all, it is suggested, Malaysia has done fairly well for itself all things
considered. It is no coincidence that the Barisan Nasional campaign is aimed at
reminding voters of this as well as warning them of the implications of change.
The unsubtle message that is screamed from billboards and advertisement in the
mainstream media, leave no room for doubt as to the point the Barisan Nasional
makes.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">I
think Malaysians need to remember that we have a harmonious society because we
are a harmonious people. We have stability in spite of, and not because, of our
political leaders. Even the most cursory look at the events of the last three
decades would reveal a campaign of divide and rule on the part of those
leaders, one intent on reminding us of, and playing up to, our differences. No
matter how one dresses it up, the politics of race and religion is
devastatingly divisive. And yet, we have managed to live together in peace,
weathering potential points of crisis that were contrived to render the
goodwill that continuous coexistence over generations nurtured. This is not
only a point of pride; it is a deep source of confidence and inspiration. We
are a resilient people and we must not forget that.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">I
appreciate that this in itself is not enough to convince those who harbour
doubts about embracing the uncertain. It is however a good point to start any
consideration of what it is we should be doing when we stand before the ballot
box. It also sets the context for the choice that we have to make. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">It
is not a choice, as some might have you believe, between Najib Razak and Anwar
Ibrahim, or even between the Barisan Nasional and Pakatan Rakyat. It is rather
a choice that is far more fundamental, one between leaving the way things are
now and doing things a different way. This is where the question of what is
wrong with the way things are now comes up.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">I
could attempt to answer this by pointing to all those things that I think are
deeply problematic once more. Allow me however to adopt a different approach by
asking instead whether we could be doing things differently in a way that would
allow us, the nation, to achieve what our potential truly enables us to.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">In a
recent article for Bloomberg, William Pesek argued “Malaysia needs to more to
get off the road to mediocrity”. In
explaining his position, Pesek very credibly argued that the nation’s biggest
problem is complacency and that in being change resistant, the government has
allowed “nations as diverse as China, Indonesia, the Philippines, Thailand and
Vietnam to leapfrog us” to a point where Malaysia is now competing with them
for “the same infrastructure dollars, factory projects, bond deals and stock
issues.” <a href="http://topics.bloomberg.com/singapore/">Singapore</a>, has in
the meanwhile, he further asserts, “become the beneficiary of many of
Malaysia’s best and brightest, who have emigrated in search of a more
merit-based economy.”<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">It
is difficult to credibly argue against this. Just as it is to argue against the
obvious need on our part to introduce “reforms that will revitalise the system
as a whole”.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Cynics
might sneer at this as being wildly theoretical or, alternatively, point to the
reforms that the Government has promised us. The problem with the reform-speak
of the Government thus far is that it has remained as not much more than
rhetoric. True reform would mean, amongst other things, dismantling the
construct that the Barisan Nasional depends on for its own vested interests.
Pesek insightfully describes the difficulty that the coalition faces as Najib
Razak having to navigate <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">“a
13-party coalition whose interests are as entrenched as any in the world. His
partners are pushing back quite assertively, afraid of losing the Malay vote
they could once take for granted.”<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">It
is no surprise therefore that Ibrahim Ali has been permitted to contest as a
candidate in Pasir Mas over the Barisan Nasional candidate assigned to
constituency and Zulkifli Nordin is now mysteriously championing the cause of
Indians in Shah Alam. Perkasa is the kind of right-wing vehicle that some of
Najib Razak’s partners prefer notwithstanding it being the antithesis of “1 Malaysia”.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">True
reform is not about to happen as along as the Barisan Nasional remains the way
it is. In the aftermath of the 2008 General Election, there were rumblings from
within that change was needed. Some five years later, the changes have largely
been cosmetic. So much so that I think it is reasonable to conclude that the
Barisan Nasional will not reform itself unless it is forced to. What Pesek
suggests cannot be dismissed as the ramblings of a foreigner who knows nothing
about the country. He has put in words what many of us think but are reluctant
to say.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">The
truth is that our economy is not as vibrant as we have been led to believe. A
raft of laws designed to keep critical information away from us has left us
dangerously ignorant of the true economic status of the nation. From what is
visible to us, the outlook is gloomy. We should remind ourselves that Idris
Jala, Minister in the Prime Minister’s Department said in 2010 that unless we
rein in borrowings and subsidies, we could be facing bankruptcy by 2019, our
trajectory reflecting that of Greece. Instead of reigning in spending and
subsidies, we have experienced spending and subsidising in the intervening
period on an unprecedented scale. Money, it would seem, is going out of fashion
in Malaysia. So much so that the Government is literally giving it away.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Add
to that endemic corruption and one is left to wonder whether Malaysians are
ever going to have another opportunity to try to bring us back from the brink.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">I am
not saying that the Pakatan Rakyat is the answer to all our problems. It too is
saddled with its own difficulties and deficiencies. The premise of its campaign
however points to systemic reform of a kind that indicates a potential start to
the gargantuan task of righting the ship of state. Amongst them is a promise
that the rule of law will be reinstated. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">If
nothing more, this offers a new way of looking at things and offers a more
certain way to remove the Pakatan Rakyat from government when the time comes.
And at the very least that offers us a chance at establishing the more
conventional system of government that the founders of the Constitution
envisaged and ridding ourselves of autocracy.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">I
think that is a choice worth making.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<o:p><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">MIS</span></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<o:p><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><br /></span></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<o:p><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">(This comment was first published in The Edge, 27.04.2013 as "A choice worth making")</span> </o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<!--EndFragment-->Malik Imtiaz Sarwarhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06047439912593830984noreply@blogger.com3tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1181672827682662169.post-53511643442310801102013-03-26T06:53:00.001+08:002013-03-28T07:37:46.988+08:00A heartfelt choice<br />
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Going by the talk about town, this may be my last column before the next General Election. It may therefore be opportune to consider what this General Election means to some, if not all, of us.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
I thin it is safe to say that many of us are tired of how politicking appears to have become the raison d’etre of government. It appears to me that somewhere along the way, the politicians lost sight of the truth that no matter what the politics of the situation were, the end objective had always intended to be the due governance of the nation, be it in accordance with one set of policies or the other. And once they lost sight of that truth, it seems that it was simply put of their minds; political brinksmanship became the cause in itself.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
I believe that this was more evident in the period since the last General Election, and that this was partly due to the fact that for the first time in a very long while, there was a credible opposition that, to the extent that they were capable of, presented a different perspective on how things are and where things might be headed. The incumbent parties have had to increasingly address policies, issues and practices that have come to be questioned by voters. This was a radical shift from a political landscape defined exclusively by the incumbents.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Simply put, the world is no longer as the Barisan Nasional says it is; as the Prime Minister unfortunately found out during the Barisan Nasional Open House in Penang, a growing number of Malaysians now see a world beyond that construct. Fundamentally, they want to live in a society grounded in social justice and one in which they believe that their interests are being looked out for. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
An objective consideration of the state of the country would give any reasonable voter basis for a belief that that is not currently the case. The standard of public services is questionable, be it in healthcare or education. The cost of living has increased in a way that is not commensurate with the earning potential of many Malaysians. Corruption appears to be unbridled. Public institutions do not enjoy the confidence of the people in a way they did two decades ago. As scandal after scandal is left without response or reaction by the relevant authorities, the Rule of Law appears to be nothing more than a catchphrase employed to rally a flagging crowd. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
And worryingly, the incumbent government continues to be dismissive about these legitimate concerns, characterising them as misperceptions brought about by parties intent on undermining the government. So much so that the incumbents are growingly being described as having lost the plot.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
This then is the context in which the voter sits as he or she grapples with the question of how it is they are to achieve the society they aspire to. Some are worried about change and its implications. This is understandable; change is never an easy thing, sometimes requiring us to embrace uncertainty. Others are more gung-ho, perhaps having less to lose or firmly believing that there is no other solution.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Whatever the case though, I believe that there are critical issues that confront this society in a way that requires an urgent response, issues that serve as indicators marking the way forward if we recognise that every single ballot cast is a means to our desired end. The primary issues, as I see them, can be summarised as follows.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Firstly, the Rule of Law. This is not just about the courts and lawyers. It is a far wider concept that embraces the principle that the Government and its agencies are accountable to the people. It equally embraces the principle that no one is above the law. It calls for immediate action to restore the credibility of the Judiciary, the Attorney General’s Chambers, the Royal Malaysian Police and the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission, amongst others. It equally calls for a repeal of all laws that do not serve, or even impede, the cause of democracy.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Secondly, corruption. Unaddressed corruption is bleeding this country in a way that is harming it drastically. The fight against corruption must be focused on not only punishing perpetrators but also in sealing the fissures that allow for it. It calls for transparency and accountability that is premised on a freedom to, and of, information. The government of this country cannot be permitted to administer it by stealth.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Thirdly, social inclusiveness. Divisive policies, in particular the politics of race and religion, must be dismantled and replaced with policies that give the interests of every single Malaysian due regard. Every one of us must be brought into the protective embrace of the State. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
The problems underlying these issues have festered for a while and are now threatening to overwhelm us. The incumbents have in the recent past attempted to assure us that they are being addressed, that more time is needed. The challengers tell us that they will address the same if given a chance. I appreciate that talk is cheap, and that it is nearly impossible to find a politician that is not willing to overstate or understate a point to gain an advantage. The situation however calls for an evaluation, to the extent that that is possible. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
More fundamentally, it calls for self-respect. It is indisputable that the state of affairs is highly unsatisfactory and requires action. Reforms are sorely needed, not just for us, but also for the generations that follow. The way forward lies in what our heart tells us is going to allow us to protect those generations.</div>
<div>
<br /></div>
<div>
MIS</div>
<div>
<br /></div>
<div>
(This comment was first published in The Edge on 16.0.2013)</div>
Malik Imtiaz Sarwarhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06047439912593830984noreply@blogger.com2tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1181672827682662169.post-37317312607671229852013-03-26T06:49:00.000+08:002013-03-26T07:02:24.303+08:00The human dimension<br />
<div style="text-align: justify;">
I have said before that the push for efficiency within the courts is something to be lauded. I have at the same time argued that administrative changes introduced to reduce the backlog of cases in the superior courts should not come at the price of the quality of justice. Numerous comments by lawyers at the recent Annual General Meeting of the Malaysian Bar about the litigation experience, none of them complimentary, have prompted me to revisit the subject.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Before turning to what I consider to be the possible reasons for what we are facing in the courts, I wish to underscore a fundamental aspect of the subject that seemingly has been lost in the tumult of reform. The Judiciary is there to mete out justice to parties who turn to it in search of the same. Though it seems to be an obvious point, the need to do justice is pivotal to the resolution of disputes. It is not enough for courts to adjudicate if one party goes away feeling that justice has not been served, a state of mind that one cannot brush away as the feelings of a disgruntled client.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Litigants go to court expecting that due consideration be given to the facts of the case, the points of argument made by counsel for the parties, the relevant legal principle and the competing interests of the parties. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
These are fair expectation on their part. Unlike those of us who are directly involved in the legal profession, either as lawyers or judges, and as such are exposed on a daily basis to the process as we move from one case to the next, the litigant is someone who has been forced into the process by circumstance. He is not there by choice, there are those who have not in their lifetimes needed to go to a court for a judicial determination, and his involvement engenders an experience that is altogether different from that experienced by lawyers and judges. The litigant is personally, and is therefore emotionally, invested in his case. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Having said that, in my experience a losing litigant does not necessarily walk away feeling resentful if he feels he has been given a fair hearing. It is his experience of the process that defines this outcome. It is for this reason that one of the legal maxims that has come to most characterise the judicial process is “justice must not only be done, it must be seen to be done.”</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Judging by the comments at the Bar meeting, a number of judges seem to have forgotten this in their rush to complete their caseloads. The complaints ranged from judicial temperament, with lawyers lamenting the fact that judges were acting injudiciously, to judges not having spent enough time with their files to fully appreciate the nature of the matters before them or the issues in contention, to judges not affording counsel the opportunity to present their cases to the fullest. Underscoring this were comments that pertained to the competency, or lack thereof, of some of the judges.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
The question of competency is a critical one. There is no point of litigants resolving their disputes before adjudicators who are not truly qualified to do what that task requires. Incompetent judges will not only commit injustice, they will undermine public confidence in the Judiciary as a whole even as they create dangerous precedents that will impact across society. As I have said before, it is incumbent upon the Chief Justice to determine the means by which he can audit his judges.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
That aside, and more pertinent to the point I wish to make, the question of how judges treat litigants, and their counsel, is one that directly relates to their respective litigation experiences. And it has struck me that somewhere along the way the process appears to have veered off course. In the rush to decide cases, it sometimes feels that the expectations of the litigant no longer matter.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
This is where the matter of caseloads and efficiency comes up. Judges are under tremendous pressure to dispose of cases. The statistics are impressive and basis for pride. They however raise the question of how it is that judges, in particular those in the Court of Appeal, can dispose as many appeals as they do. The number of disposals is high and sitting in court waiting for my cases to be called up has given me an insight into how hard our judges have to work. It however has given reason to ponder how it is they manage to dispose of as many cases as they do.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Appeals arise from either interlocutory decisions of the High Court, that is decisions made on applications to the court prior to the final determination of the case, or from final determinations. The former category of decisions is easier to deal with as they do not finally determine the case and are fairly standard. Decisions in the latter category are an entirely different thing. They are made after a full trial during which the judge would have heard and seen witnesses after which the judge would have been addressed on the law and the facts as they appeared to either side. In most cases, the trial judge would have prepared written grounds of judgment in which an explanation of how it is that judge arrived at the ultimately conclusion is laid out. Appeal courts, guided by counsel as they are, have to scrutinise the record of proceedings to determine whether there is an error that warrants intervention on the part of the appellate court. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
This is not an easy course of action. The appeal court is not entitled to substitute its own views of the trial judge as the trial judge had the advantage of hearing testimony and, through that, getting a direct feel of the case. The appeal judges on the other hand view the proceedings remotely, through what it is that is in the record of the case, including the trial transcript. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
For this reason, over hundreds of years, the appellate process has been refined to a framework of carefully thought out principles of appellate practice. These principles ensure that the system is not up-ended and that the appeals court only interfere where there is just cause to do so and in a manner consistent with the interests of justice. The application of these principles in any given appeal is a matter that takes time. It is not for purely academic reason that another legal maxim, “justice rushed is justice denied”, came into being.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
I have been in the Court of Appeal on days where a particular panel is determining a sizeable number of appeals after full trial in addition to the other appeals or applications before the court. And this is to be done within the limited period spanning from 9 am to 4.30 pm. And while the lawyers and litigants may go home to celebrate or commiserate, the judges go back to the case list they have to deal with the following day.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
It is thus not surprising that, going by the comments noted above, judges are not able to read their files as thoroughly as they would wish to or lose their patience with counsel or rush counsel during their arguments. Equally, it is not surprising that some judges appear to have adopted a template approach to the cases before them, applying principles mechanically without regard to the human dimension of the cases or justice in the wider sense.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
This has in my view led to a great deal of dissatisfaction, a point which the Chief Justice and the President of the Court of Appeal must take note of. It is not a state of affairs that is going to fade away. With perceptions of the competence of the judiciary as they are, litigants will appeal decisions of the High Court to the Court of Appeal almost as a matter of course. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Similarly, more litigants are seeking leave to appeal to the Federal Court. Many of these involve decisions of the Court of Appeal which are erroneous but which do not necessarily fulfill the legal requirements for leave to appeal to the court. This in turn has led to complaints about the uneven application of law and the undermining of the right to a fair hearing. So much so that the Federal Court is now more often being called upon to reconsider its narrow scope of leave. The Bar Council is in fact looking to propose an amendment to the law to allow for the Federal Court to deal with matters where the justice of the case requires.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
It is as such imperative for the Chief Justice to remind his judges of the human dimension of what it is that occurs in the courts of this country. Ensuring that justice “is seen to be done” must be made a priority, even if it means a slowing down of the disposal rate in the short term. Only the can justice be said to have been done.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
MIS</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
(A version of this comment was first published in The Edge on 23.03.2013)</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
Malik Imtiaz Sarwarhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06047439912593830984noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1181672827682662169.post-2081829531027557962013-02-05T13:42:00.000+08:002013-02-05T13:42:24.681+08:00Rallying behind reform<br />
<div style="text-align: justify;">
The recent statement by the Chief Justice that lawyers should stop corrupting judges is welcome for the fact of it implicitly recognizing that corruption within the judiciary is a problem that needs to be addressed. That the Chief Justice underscored his caution by once again reiterating the importance of judicial independence shows how clearly he views corruption as undermining the integrity of both the institution and the process it administers. It is heartening that this a theme that the Chief Justice has consitently returned to in the course of his tenure.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
It must be said however that as welcome as the statement is, the Chief Justice should also give Malaysians an idea of what further steps are being taken to deal with, and combat, this evil. He should not allow himself to be seen as doing nothing more than merely say the right thing. I, for one, do not think this to be the case. As I have written before, in belling the proverbial cat, this Chief Justice has done something that his predecessors had not. He has also, to an extent, followed through. His decision to empanel five, as opposed to three, judges in all Federal Court hearings, implemented last March, has gone some way to inspire more confidence in that court. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Having said that, the Chief Justice should appreciate that for his reform efforts to gain traction, there has to be a public discussion about the same. As far as i know, his recommendation that judges declare their assets has yet to be affected. Though this is undoubtedly an issue that requires mature consideration, it has been some time and the issue has to an extent faded. I believe that a further explanation as to the state of play is warranted.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Similarly, other aspects of the mater, for instance the forms of control imposed or being proposed to reduce the prevalence of corruption, should be highlighted. For instance, the Chief Justice can let us know how it is that the staff of the various registries is being kept in line. It is widely accepted that the staff of the registries are influential for their being privy to information concerning judges and hearings, in particular which judges are slated to hear specific cases. Without intending any accusation, it is evident that this is information that could be utilized to further improper aims, and may have well been.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
I have said before too that it would be useful for the Chief Justice to make clear how it is judges are selected for hearings. The impression that judges are selected for particular cases based on their views of the case, especially in the appellate courts or in controversial cases, is one that can only be dispelled by an explanation of how they are in fact selected. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
There is another dimension to the issue. Malaysians should also be made aware of what systemic impediments there are to the due administration of justice. For instance, consider the salaries of judges. We should be made to understand whether our judges are being paid enough or, put another way, whether their salaries are sufficiently high so as to attract the kind of candidates the job requires. This is not to say that money should ever be the key factor in embracing public service. However, it must be recognised that the kind of high calibre practitioners that judicial office calls for are individuals who have over the years arranged their financial affairs in a manner suited to their income levels as private practitoners. As such, they may not be in a position to accommodate the reduction of income currently involved. This was recognised by the Government of Singapore a while ago as a consequence of which it provided for suitable remuneration, which while it did not match what the candidates were earning in private practice nonetheless allowed them to adapt without undue difficulty.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
It goes without saying that if judges were remunerated in a manner befitting of their office, there would be less temptation to stray.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
The question of whether the Judiciary is given the resourses it needs to ensure that it can function the way it should is another instance of a potential failing of the system. Consider the kinds of facilities judges of the Singaporean Judiciary have at their disposal, from well qualified and highly competent research officers, court staff and registrars, to reasearch facilities and even dining facilities. The contrast with the Malaysian Judiciary is stark. It is evident that the lack of facilities is going to result in compromises of quality of adjudication and judgments.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
I refer to these two instances, there are others, to make the point that it is ultimately in the interest of the Judiciary for the Chief Justice to create public awareness of not only his vision but also his efforts at reform and the impediments he faces as it is only through this that Malaysians will appreciate what it is they have to do to bolster the Chief Justice’s efforts to improve the administration of justice and how it is they can rally behind the Chief Justice.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
For at the heart of it is this one simple truth; I think Malaysians must rally behind the Chief Justice in order to restore the one institution that would help us put this country back firmly on the path to recovery. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
MIS</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
(This article was first published as "Rallying behind the Chief Justice" in the Edge, 21.01.13)</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
Malik Imtiaz Sarwarhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06047439912593830984noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1181672827682662169.post-90854072478209500062012-12-17T09:30:00.000+08:002012-12-17T09:36:26.218+08:00Putting an end to child marriages<br />
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">The incidence of child marriages is alarming. By child marriages, I mean the marriage of any person under the age of eighteen. This is more so for the fact that it appears that such marriages are significantly more prevalent amongst Muslims. A recent statement by a United Nations agency here indicates that the number of such marriages has increased significantly over recent years.</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">The minimum age of marriage for persons of other than the Muslim faith is eighteen. Muslims girls are permitted by state law to marry at the age of sixteen. In some states, like Kedah, the Shariah Court can sanction the marriage of an even younger Muslim girl. In one such case, the Shariah Court recently granted permissions for a twelve-year old girl to marry a nineteen-year old man (some reports have put the age of the groom at sixteen). According to reports, the father of the bride consented to the marriage to avoid any “immoral activity” on the part of the couple. The husband is quoted as saying that his bride had agreed to shoulder the responsibility of a wife. The reports do not indicate either his view or that of the father as to the ability of the twelve year old to understand the full implications of the situation.</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">It may be recalled that in 2010, a marriage between a fourteen-year old and her twenty-three year old husband sparked some controversy. The Government at that point took the position that if the marriage was permitted under Islam, and as such within the jurisdiction of the State Government, there was no basis to reject the same. Its position does not appear to have changed.</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">The Attorney General has, through his continued silence on the subject, endorsed such marriages. </span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">On my part, I fail to understand how the Federal Government and the Attorney General could have allowed for this self-evidently destructive trend to continue. Such marriages are not only, I say, unconstitutional, they hurt the children concerned and society. Research shows that child marriages have severely adverse consequences on the physical, emotional and mental development of the child. UNICEF has reported that girls who marry young tend to forego formal education, which, not only disadvantages the girls concern, lead to gaps in their knowledge on maternal health and child rearing issues. There is an increased risk of death in childbirth for girls that young.</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">It is for this reason that the Convention for the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women, which Malaysia has acceded to, places an obligation on the State to ensure that the “betrothal and the marriage of a child shall have no legal effect” and to take appropriate steps to regulate this. </span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">It is also for this reason that various countries have set to combating child marriages with a view to improving the welfare of children and for the protection of the community. It is generally accepted that the prohibition of such marriages will contribute significantly to poverty eradication and the promoting of gender equality. In some countries, punitive measures against persons who perform, permit, or promote child marriages have been enacted.</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">It is no answer to say that the economic realities of the situation are in favour of such marriages. If poverty is causing such marriages, then poverty should be addressed. We cannot allow the situation to evolve; I shudder at the thought of this process being used to validate trafficking of child brides or, for all purposes intents, validating the pedophilic tendencies of the monsters that prey on young children. Less sensationally, even the thought of young child-divorcees is reason for concern.</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">It appears that rather than dealing with the root problems, the Government would rather sidestep the matter. In this, it would seem that Islam is being invoked to stifle the controversy. </span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">While I can appreciate the need for the State to preserve the integrity of personal law, it is not the case that the personal law of Muslims can be understood as permitting the endangering of Muslim minors. More so for the fact that the legal framework of this nation so evidently gives basis to the Federal Government and the Attorney General to intervene and correct the situation.</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">A question arises as to whether the power of the Shariah Court to validate such marriages is constitutional. The analysis cannot stop at the fact that the Legislative Assemblies of the states enact laws that vest the Shariah Court with the power to validate. Though it is true that the Legislative Assemblies have competence over the legislating of laws for the purposes of the administration of Islam, the discretion to do so is not absolute. It must be appreciated that such discretion is limited to enacting only laws that are constitutional. </span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">As to the question of what is constitutional in the circumstances, several key features of our constitutional framework are material. Firstly, the constitution protects the fundamental liberties of all its citizens. Two of these are highly relevant to the discussion: the right to life, and the right to equal protection of the law. </span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">As to the former, as has been underscored by the Federal Court, the right is not limited to merely concerns over corporeal existence. It extends to the intangible aspects of the right to live one’s life, a state of being that hinges on the protection of mental and emotional integrity. As to the latter, it would be wholly repugnant to our system of life to allow for a state of affairs where some vulnerable citizens are protected from physical, mental and emotional abuse while others are not. It is for this reason that while at first glance, some constitutional powers could be read as allowing for violations of these strictures in the interests of some other cause, closer scrutiny would inevitably lead to the conclusion that this could not be the case.</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Put another way the power of the State Legislative Assemblies to enact law pertaining to the administration of Islam cannot be extended to validating the enacting of laws that defy the constitution. And yet this appears to be what section 8 of the Kedah Islamic Family Law Enactment 2008 does. It vests the Shariah Court with the power to expose Muslim children to the kind of conduct that is proscribed where non-Muslim children are concerned. In doing so, it discriminates against the former category of children. It permits the undermining of the physical, emotional and mental integrity of Muslim children in a way that is wholly inconsistent with their right to life. </span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">It is not coincidental that the Child Act 2001, which defines a “child” as being a person under eighteen years of age, makes it an offence to cause physical or emotional injury to a child. The same law provides that a minor is deemed to be in need of the care and protection of the State if there is a substantial risk of the minor being emotionally injured or sexually abused. Sexual abuse is defined to include situations where the minor takes part in sexual activity for another person’s sexual gratification.</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">It is equally no coincidence that the Penal Code defines the offence of statutory rape as involving sexual intercourse with a girl below the age of sixteen without exception. Marriage does not make lawful such sexual congress. It is highly significant that the Malaysian courts in convicting offenders for statutory rape have found that girls under the age of sixteen are too young to even be introduced to carnal knowledge between a man and a woman.</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">This takes me to the second point. In recognition of possible conflicts between state and federal laws, their respective law-making bodies potentially unavoidably encroaching into each other’s fields of competence, the Federal Constitution gives federal law primacy. As such, where federal law and state law conflict, federal law prevails. </span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">That being the case, even if the Kedah legislation (or any other such legislation_ were constitutional, which for the reasons I have explained above I cannot see as being a correct proposition, then in light of Parliament having enacted the Child Act and the statutory rape offence under the Penal Code, the Kedah legislation is void.</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">I suggest that the circumstances compel the Federal Government and the Attorney General to take immediate action. There is recourse; the Federal Government is entitled in law to mount a challenge on the state legislation in the Federal Court. It must do so.</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">MIS</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">(This article first appeared in The Edge on 15.12.2012)</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
Malik Imtiaz Sarwarhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06047439912593830984noreply@blogger.com8tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1181672827682662169.post-54018624597764318352012-10-24T11:46:00.000+08:002012-10-24T11:46:38.376+08:00Pushing ahead with Judicial Reforms<br />
<div style="text-align: justify;">
There is a growing perception that judicial reforms may finally be gaining traction. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Efficiency in court has increased tremendously with the Kuala Lumpur High Court and the Appellate courts disposing cases at a commendable rate. It is now not unusual for cases to be disposed by the High Court within nine months from the date of commencement, a far cry from the not so distant days of cases taking anything up to five or six years to be determined. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
This has not only been about managing the situation, or cracking the proverbial whip, it has equally been about embracing a new mindset and the technology that makes it a reality. And while questions are still being asked about the quality of justice, after all justice sped up will at times result in justice denied, I believe the merits of the changes we are experiencing outweigh their demerits. Having said that, this is a serious concern that must be addressed by the Judiciary, a matter I will return to.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
On other fronts, eyebrows have been raised by several decisions over the past year or so that suggest an increasingly independent judiciary. Amongst them was the majority decision of the Court of Appeal striking down as unconstitutional section 15(5)(a) of the University and Universities Colleges Act last October. A short while later the High Court acquitted Anwar Ibrahim of sodomy charges. In July the High Court quashed the Home Minister’s declaration of Bersih 2.0 as an illegal organisation, while more recently in October, the High Court quashed the decision of the Home Minister rejecting Mkini Dotcom’s (the owners of Malaysiakini) application for a permit to publish a newspaper.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
These decisions, and others like them, are important not just for what they concluded but equally for what they signify to Malaysians: that the Judges of the Malaysian courts are free to determine the issues before them as they see fit and without regard to any concerns, on their part, as to their prospects within the institution. With no intention of undermining the respect these decisions deserve, I believe that the judges felt free to do what it is they thought best principally because the Chief Justice has made it sufficiently clear to his judges that that is exactly what it is they are required to do.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
If it is one thing that marks the Arifin Court, it is that the Chief Justice has, at least publicly, consistently expressed his belief in the need for an independent judiciary. While this may seem a truism to many of us, the sentiment is nuanced when we take into account the make-up of the judiciary.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Consider this. The Judicial Appointments Commission was established in 2009. It was established in part due to outcry over the controversial video recording of lawyer V K Lingam that resulted in the establishment of a Royal Commission of Enquiry that in turn made evident serious weaknesses in the way in which judges were appointed. These events led to an admission by the then Prime Minister, Tun Abdullah Badawi, that the appointments process was such that the best persons for the job were not necessarily selected. The self-evident implications of this admission were, and still are, a matter of grave concern. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
It also cannot be ignored that in the period following the judicial crisis of 1988, the number of judges that were appointed from the Bar dwindled to a point of it being negligible. In the period after, the overwhelming majority of judges were appointed from the Attorney General’s Chambers, elevations being perceived by some as “promotions”. Many had not directly experienced the traditions of the Bar or were given an opportunity to fully appreciate the distinct relationship between Bar and Bench. This limited exposure had perhaps, in some cases, resulted in a blurring of the defining lines of judicial office and a tendency to respond to authority in a manner not entirely consistent with that august office. This may explain how it is things got to that point where the government felt a need to introduce reforms. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
And although I have no foundation for this, I would venture that the Judiciary has not been left unscathed by the vagaries of race and religious politics, and an Executive that over the years became accustomed to dominating the organs of the State without due regard to the separation of powers.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
These are just some of the more important dimensions of the discussion at hand. They however shed some light into the complexity of instilling a sense of independence into an ailing institution. Like all institutions, however, strong leadership and leadership by example will go a long way. And I believe that the Chief Justice is striking the right notes.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
This is not to say that more cannot be done. The Chief ought give consideration to concerns that the speedy disposal of cases by judges, in particular the Court of Appeal, has resulted in case loads that impair the ability of judges to do justice. In an effort to finish their lists of cases, some judges have tended to unreasonably restrict the time given to counsel to present their cases. In some cases, it is not apparent that written submissions had been properly digested by the presiding judges, a situation that might be explained by the fact that the case load, as punishing as it is, left them with little or not time to do the same. In fairness, this may have been as a result of submissions coming in late; the relentless schedule has had its toll on advocates as well. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
The Chief must also consider the quality of judgments being handed down leaves anything to be desired. This is not a matter for appeals, which are more properly utilised to address complex points of law. There is a growing concern at the Bar that the quality of judgments is declining. If this is the case, and perhaps the Chief should consider conducting an audit, then urgent steps must be taken to address this, perhaps by appropriate judicial training. This can also be addressed by requiring all judges, even those of the Court of Appeal, to write judgments on each of their cases. It is admittedly a time consuming process, but one with obvious benefits. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
And above all, the Chief must keep his ear to the ground. If he listens, he will hear what it is that is being said about his judges. For as much as lawyers may whinge, at the end of the day their lives are intertwined with those of the judges. The Bench and the Bar balance and keep each other afloat in the stormy seas of state. </div>
<div>
<br /></div>
<div>
MIS</div>
<div>
<br /></div>
<div>
(First published in "Rule of Law", The Edge, 20.10.2012</div>
Malik Imtiaz Sarwarhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06047439912593830984noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1181672827682662169.post-80455088924188010552012-09-18T10:37:00.002+08:002012-09-18T10:38:14.625+08:00Of bouquets and brickbats<br />
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">The recent investigations and consequent arrests of persons who had stepped on, and in one instance flashed his naked backside at, images of the Prime Minister and his wife has been a cause for wonderment. Like many other Malaysians, I could not help but question the deploying of the already stretched resources of the police to that end when such resources could have deployed to more constructive use. After all, crime did not stop during the period the police personnel involved were chasing down the recalcitrant individuals.</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">I do not condone rude behaviour and, from that standpoint, question the need for those individuals to have done what they did. I do not think their actions could be characterised as being a part of some great expression, artistic or otherwise, of political dissent that warranted such behaviour. </span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">I do however recognise that their behaviour cannot be characterised as anything more than bad mannered. And for all of that, I fail to see how it is what they did amounted to a crime. </span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Were rudeness a crime, then quite a few Members of Parliament over recent years would have been hauled off to police stations for their conduct in the House. So would have other highly placed officials for their actions elsewhere. One only has to do a keyword search on YouTube with the appropriate keywords to find indisputable evidence of the same. </span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">More recently, those army veterans who chose to do their special brand of calisthenics in front of Dato’ Ambiga Sreenevasan’s residence would have similarly been hunted down as would have a number of anti-opposition protestors throughout the country. I recall an image of some individuals urinating on a banner on which the images of opposition leaders were depicted; surely they would not have been exempted. </span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">The point is, and this bears repeating, it is not a crime to express negative feelings about someone, no matter how important an office that person may hold. Consider all those instances identified above, past and present, and one can discern that the same thread runs through them; all these displays of emotion, in one form or the other, were expressions of dissatisfaction.</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">And while it may be a crime to express thoughts about certain institutions of the State, the actions of those teenagers that took up so much column space and airtime in the media could not by any stretch of the imagination have been perceived as being an attack on any institution. It is not a crime to say one does not like or respect the Prime Minister in as much as it may, and this is a big may, be a crime to say that the institution of the Executive ought be abolished.</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">I would be surprised if the Prime Minister had himself not suggested to the police that they should perhaps focus on weightier issues than his feelings about being made the subject of some derision. After all, any person who steps into public office must accept the brickbats that come along with the bouquets. He or she must accept that in as much as there may be those who like them, there will always be people who do not. One only has to consider what it is that is happening in the United States of America as the Democrats and the Republicans size each other up for the upcoming presidential election to see how that reality plays out.</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">This then raises the question of why it is the police felt the need to jump to action as they did. The answer that they had to in light of police reports having been lodged is, respectfully, disingenuous. Police reports are filed every day, some on matters of far less significance than others. While the police may investigate all such reports, it is commonly known that some matters, more usually those concerning serious crimes, are addressed as a greater priority than others. A report of a murder would overtake in significance a report concerning a petty theft, for instance. The police are also reserved a discretion to not investigate matters that are of no legal consequence. </span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">The answer may ultimately lie in how it is the Polis DiRaja Malaysia views its role in society. It is clear that the institution views itself as being charged with ensuring public order and public security. The difficulty may however lie in what it is the institution considers public disorder. It seems to me that over the last two decades or so the institution has come to perceive public disorder as being any events that may lead to a disruption of the order of things. </span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">This is a radically different notion from public disorder in the sense it is meant to be understood i.e. a less decentralised and narrower concept than the ordinary maintenance of law and order. Whether an event of public disorder has occurred has been approached by the Malaysian courts by asking the following question: does the event in issue lead to disturbance of the current of life of the community so as to amount to disturbance of the public order or does it effect merely an individual leaving the tranquility of the society undisturbed? If it is the latter, then no event of pubic disorder can be said to have occurred.</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Approached another way, this principle means that it is not the responsibility of the police to ensure that citizens do not express negative views about the personages forming the government of the day. Our right to do so, in what form we think appropriate (subject of course to laws guarding public order) is enshrined under Article 10 of the Federal Constitution. </span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Were it otherwise, one could even argue that casting a vote against the political parties forming the government of the day is an act of sedition. And surely the police are not saying that?</span></div>
<div>
<br /></div>
<div>
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">MIS</span></div>
<div>
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div>
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><i>(First published in "Rule of Law", The Edge, 17.09.2012)</i></span></div>
Malik Imtiaz Sarwarhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06047439912593830984noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1181672827682662169.post-15039929204695745592012-07-23T22:24:00.002+08:002012-07-24T07:18:00.822+08:00Answering the unasked questions<br />
<div style="text-align: justify;">
It appears beyond question that one of the more, if not the most, important factors shaping voter sentiment is corruption and perceived abuses of power. I think many believe that even if a change of federal government would allow us to deal with only these matters then such a change would be justified. To them it seems that almost everything wrong with the way this country is being administered has its roots in the misuse of power and funds.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Central to their thinking are the twin questions of, firstly, where did all the money go and, secondly, how would things be if that money had been channeled as it was meant to be. As if to highlight the increasing intolerance for the perceived abuse, conversations about transitional justice have started; conversations in which the focus is not just the punishing of those who have wronged the nation but also recovering the staggering proceeds of this wrongdoing.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Quite apart from realpolitik dictating that the opposition should exploit this subject to further its political agenda, it is a subject that cuts deep. Malaysians are confronted with a spiraling cost of living – such that the federal government felt it necessary to provide financial aid of RM500 per family whose joint income was RM3,000, the tip of the proverbial iceberg – and a public services that just does not seem to be functioning the way it is meant to That the federal government has spent the years since the last General Election focused on transformation programmes goes far to vindicate this view. In their hearts, Malaysians know that the principal reason for the dilemma that they are in is gross mismanagement.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Political interests have come to dominate. I have said before that the federal government seems less concerned with due governance than with the politics of governance. The sad truth is that the federal government has come to views its continued political dominance as its raison d’etre. The burring of the line between governance and politics has had its toll. For one, it continues to drive a continued reliance by the Barisan Nasional on the politics of race and religion. It appears that other than handouts and vague promises of better things to come, there is little else that the coalition can offer to justify it being left to run the country.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
With a seemingly high number of Malaysians demanding accountability at the present, it is tempting to brush aside race and religious politics as being redundant, or secondary. To do so would however be unwise. While fighting against the abuse of power may be a cause universally subscribed to, this in itself does not address the realities on the ground.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
To start, the abuse of power has been condoned by a sizeable part of the electorate in the belief that, however illegal it may have been, it has promoted the cause of good. For some, mainly those in corporate Malaysia, this abuse is a necessary incident of a strong, centralized government that gets things done. More relevant to the discussion at hand, others believe that this is the price that has to be paid to ensure that special interests are not ignored. While the former can be addressed directly through the establishment of an accountable, meritocratic system, the concerns of the latter group may not so easily be dealt with. Conversely, the notion of meritocracy if not handled with care and sensitivity may further entrench prevalent attitudes within this group. This is a cause for concern for all of us regardless of political allegiances.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Though for those who peddle in race and religion, continued reliance on racial and religious politics may allow for immediate goals to be achieved, it will exacerbate an already critical state of affairs. Much has been said in recent times about the crucial need to rebuild Malaysian society into one that is more competitive and less dependent on the State for its wellbeing. Malaysia’s continued survival as an economically viable, and thus sustainable, nation is the price we may have to pay should we fail to do so.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
It is in this context that I believe not enough is being done by all parties concerned to address the wider Malay community’s fear of being marginalised in the face of meritocratic practices. There are several layers to this. We cannot run away from the fact that a sizeable number of Malays are still living in hardship. The fact that there are other marginalised communities does not change this, neither does the fact that marginalised Malays have incongruously fallen victim to the policies that were intended to aid them at the hands of a self-interested political elite. This has not only resulted in the perpetuation of the poverty cycle amongst some members of this community, it has on the back of poorly conceived policies resulted in a large number of Malays who cannot compete in the private sector. A fear of political backlash has led to the federal government absorbing a sizeable number of them into the public services for fear of a political backlash.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
It is this constituency that now views its special status as being essential to its survival. Its fears must be addressed. While there is an ongoing dialogue on what can be done, I do not think that the discourse as is intensive or comprehensive as it should be, primarily due to the politicisation of the issues arising. Equally, not enough is being said to explain away their fear of being left behind. Fear, as irrational as it often is, must be dealt with independently. It and the stigma that has come to attach itself to this community as a consequence cannot be simply wished away.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
I have previously written of the need to depoliticise the process of affirmative action including the implementation of Article 153 of the Federal Constitution. I am firm in my belief. The National Human Rights Society (HAKAM) and Saya Anak Bangsa Malaysia (SABM) have drafted a bill, the Social Inclusiveness Bill, under which a Social Inclusiveness Commission answerable to Parliament would be established. This commission would be mandated to have oversight over all matters of poverty reduction, affirmative action and social inclusiveness by reference to, amongst other considerations, Article 153. It is the a concrete suggestion of how we can move forward as a nation while ensuring the interests of key stakeholders are looked after. A comprehensive discussion of the idea is however beyond the scope of this comment.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
For immediate purposes however it is essential to stress that steps must be taken to address the stigmatization if we are to progress. The unasked questions must be answered, including what it is that will happen to communities that believe they will not be able to compete if meritocratic measures were to be implemented. Though meritocracy is a noble aim in itself, its appeal may not be universally self-evident.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
As difficult a political context as these questions, and their answers, may create, political actors cannot be allowed to duck them. Both sides of the divide must be forced to confront them if we are to progress. The way forward is obvious; the only issue is whether we care enough.</div>
<br />
MIS<br />
<br />
(A version of this comment first appeared in The Edge on 21.07.2012)<br />
<div>
<br /></div>Malik Imtiaz Sarwarhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06047439912593830984noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1181672827682662169.post-68927614065702660932012-06-28T07:07:00.003+08:002012-06-28T07:07:57.653+08:00The presumption of publication<!--[if gte mso 9]><xml>
<o:OfficeDocumentSettings>
<o:AllowPNG/>
</o:OfficeDocumentSettings>
</xml><![endif]-->
<!--[if gte mso 9]><xml>
<w:WordDocument>
<w:View>Normal</w:View>
<w:Zoom>0</w:Zoom>
<w:TrackMoves/>
<w:TrackFormatting/>
<w:PunctuationKerning/>
<w:ValidateAgainstSchemas/>
<w:SaveIfXMLInvalid>false</w:SaveIfXMLInvalid>
<w:IgnoreMixedContent>false</w:IgnoreMixedContent>
<w:AlwaysShowPlaceholderText>false</w:AlwaysShowPlaceholderText>
<w:DoNotPromoteQF/>
<w:LidThemeOther>EN-US</w:LidThemeOther>
<w:LidThemeAsian>JA</w:LidThemeAsian>
<w:LidThemeComplexScript>X-NONE</w:LidThemeComplexScript>
<w:Compatibility>
<w:BreakWrappedTables/>
<w:SnapToGridInCell/>
<w:WrapTextWithPunct/>
<w:UseAsianBreakRules/>
<w:DontGrowAutofit/>
<w:SplitPgBreakAndParaMark/>
<w:EnableOpenTypeKerning/>
<w:DontFlipMirrorIndents/>
<w:OverrideTableStyleHps/>
<w:UseFELayout/>
</w:Compatibility>
<m:mathPr>
<m:mathFont m:val="Cambria Math"/>
<m:brkBin m:val="before"/>
<m:brkBinSub m:val="--"/>
<m:smallFrac m:val="off"/>
<m:dispDef/>
<m:lMargin m:val="0"/>
<m:rMargin m:val="0"/>
<m:defJc m:val="centerGroup"/>
<m:wrapIndent m:val="1440"/>
<m:intLim m:val="subSup"/>
<m:naryLim m:val="undOvr"/>
</m:mathPr></w:WordDocument>
</xml><![endif]--><!--[if gte mso 9]><xml>
<w:LatentStyles DefLockedState="false" DefUnhideWhenUsed="true"
DefSemiHidden="true" DefQFormat="false" DefPriority="99"
LatentStyleCount="276">
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="0" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Normal"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="heading 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" QFormat="true" Name="heading 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" QFormat="true" Name="heading 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" QFormat="true" Name="heading 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" QFormat="true" Name="heading 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" QFormat="true" Name="heading 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" QFormat="true" Name="heading 7"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" QFormat="true" Name="heading 8"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" QFormat="true" Name="heading 9"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 7"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 8"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 9"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="35" QFormat="true" Name="caption"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="10" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Title"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="1" Name="Default Paragraph Font"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="11" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Subtitle"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="22" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Strong"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="20" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="59" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Table Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Placeholder Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="1" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="No Spacing"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Shading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Dark List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Shading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Shading Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Grid Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Revision"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="34" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="List Paragraph"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="29" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Quote"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="30" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Intense Quote"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Dark List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Shading Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Grid Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Dark List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Shading Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Grid Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Dark List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Shading Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Grid Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Dark List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Shading Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Grid Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Dark List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Shading Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Grid Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Dark List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="19" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Subtle Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="21" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Intense Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="31" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Subtle Reference"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="32" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Intense Reference"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="33" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Book Title"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="37" Name="Bibliography"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" QFormat="true" Name="TOC Heading"/>
</w:LatentStyles>
</xml><![endif]-->
<!--[if gte mso 10]>
<style>
/* Style Definitions */
table.MsoNormalTable
{mso-style-name:"Table Normal";
mso-tstyle-rowband-size:0;
mso-tstyle-colband-size:0;
mso-style-noshow:yes;
mso-style-priority:99;
mso-style-parent:"";
mso-padding-alt:0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt;
mso-para-margin:0cm;
mso-para-margin-bottom:.0001pt;
mso-pagination:widow-orphan;
font-size:12.0pt;
font-family:Cambria;
mso-ascii-font-family:Cambria;
mso-ascii-theme-font:minor-latin;
mso-hansi-font-family:Cambria;
mso-hansi-theme-font:minor-latin;}
</style>
<![endif]-->
<!--StartFragment-->
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
The
recent amendment to the Evidence Act 1950 to introduce section 114A has not
been without controversy. The Center for Independent Journalism launched an
online petition against the section last month. Its basis is the concern that
by virtue of the section presuming publication, and as such responsibility for
publications, on the part of internet intermediaries and by impeding anonymous
expression of thought, free expression on the internet would be undermined.
This has particular resonance for Malaysia in light of the way in which the
media is regulated. <o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
Though
at first glance the argument advanced by CIJ, and other likeminded
organisations and individuals is attractive for its championing of free
expression, the subject behooves deeper consideration.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
Let
me state several obvious features of the matter. The media is highly regulated
in Malaysia, to an extent that the so-called mainstream media (MSM) is no
longer of great relevance to a significant number of Malaysians. As a
consequence, Malaysians seek information and opinions on-line from on-line news
sites, blogs and the social media. Needless to say in this unregulated sphere
expression is robust, unguarded and perhaps in some cases truer. The value of
social media to disseminate opinion and information is undoubted and, in light
of how things are in Malaysia, it has become a primary means to influencing
opinions. Regrettably though it has also resulted in a plethora of anonymous
blogs and twitter timelines that routinely publish highly offensive and
defamatory content.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
Over
the years we have seen bloggers and twitter users taken to court for
defamation. In the course of my dealings as a lawyer I have had occasion to
represent some litigants in such cases. The misperception that many social
media users have is that by virtue of the Government’s assurance that the
internet would not be censored, people are free to write what they wish without
being held to account for the same.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
This
puts into focus the first of several key features of discussion. Throughout the
common law jurisdictions persons who publish defamatory material can be held
liable for their having done so. Publishing on the internet is no different
from publishing elsewhere in this regard and the same responsibility rests on
the author and publisher (if they are different persons) of the offending
publication.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
The
question therefore arises as to whether a person should be entitled to take
advantage of technology to publish anonymously and avoid liability. From a
strictly legal perspective, I do not see why this should be the case. By this I
mean that if there were means to discover who it was that a particular
anonymous blogger, and their identity could be ascertained, then that
particular person could be made liable. <o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
A
second feature then becomes apparent. It centres on the question of whether
legislature is permitted to enact presumptions of fact. The short answer is
that such presumptions are not as a matter of course repugnant to the law. The
statute books are replete with such presumptions. They are in themselves not
unconstitutional. The operative presumption here does not in itself undermine
the right to expression.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
A question
may arise as to why it is there is a need for a presumption of publication in
light of there being powers in the hands of the authorities, the Multimedia
Commission for instance, to determine the identity of anonymous bloggers and so
forth. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Private litigants do not have
access to the powers and resources of the State and for that reason are too
often at a disadvantage. For instance, over the years we have seen how public
figures have been made the subject of vicious smear campaigns, and how these
persons have been powerless to deal with these vile attacks. Seen in this
light, the practical benefit of a section in the Evidence Act that sets up a
presumption of publication cannot be denied. It should not be overlooked that
presumptions can be rebutted. The CIJ is concerned that hacking may lead to the
wrong persons being found culpable. From a strictly legal perspective, if the
hacking can be established then one would have an obvious defence.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
If I
have a reservation, then it is the ambit of the provision. At a recent CIJ
forum on the subject, Jeff Sandhu, one of the panelists expressed a concerned
that the section may include within its ambit persons who provide free WIFI, as
DBKL now requires.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He may have a point.
The breadth of the section is cause for concern not only for the fact that it
may lead to innocent persons being found to be liable but also for the
practical impact it will have on commerce and trade, in particular, as A Asohan
pointed out at the same forum, the thriving internet business scene.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The Government may wish to reconsider the
scope of the section by reference to the declared intention underlying the
section. It is possible that while the aim of the section is not
unconstitutional, the breadth of the provision may lead it to being so.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
In
fairness, it appears that it is the ambiguity of the underlying intention that
is fueling many of the concerns. The socio-political considerations are vastly
different from the strictly legal ones I have attempted to highlight. The fact
remains that a good many Malaysians do not have much faith in the “system” and
think of the institutions of the State as having been politicised. The social
media has become the principal means of spearheading meaningful reform, as it
has in many other parts of the world. Understandably, civil society is
concerned that there may be a collateral purpose to the amendment, one aimed at
stifling a burgeoning awareness of rights discourse. <o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
Frankly,
it is a concern that cannot be dismissed outright having regard to the state of
things in the country. The last thing that Malaysia needs right now is the
stifling of political consciousness.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
MIS</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
(First published in The Edge)</div>
<!--EndFragment-->Malik Imtiaz Sarwarhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06047439912593830984noreply@blogger.com4tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1181672827682662169.post-23109672910727054872012-04-27T09:52:00.000+08:002012-04-27T09:56:06.949+08:00Election Commission: Apparent Bias<div style="text-align: justify;">
The Chairman of the Election Commission and his Deputy must resign immediately. In the wake of accusations by the Opposition that they are members of UMNO, they have admitted the same.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
It is self-evident that they can no longer hold their positions as the head and deputy head of the Election Commission, a body established by the Federal Constitution for the sole purpose of ensuring that the general elections of the Federation and States are run in a manner that ensure public confidence. Put another way, as has been consistently emphasized by the Coalition on Free and Fair Elections, the Election Commission must act in a manner that is seen to be impartial.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
That the perception of impartiality is of crucial significance is underscored by Article 113 of the Federal Constitution, the provision which establishes the Election Commission. 113(2) provides:</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="-webkit-border-horizontal-spacing: 2px; -webkit-border-vertical-spacing: 2px;">"In appointing members of the Election Commission the Yang di- Pertuan Agong shall have regard to the importance of securing an Election Commission which enjoys public confidence."</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="-webkit-border-horizontal-spacing: 2px; -webkit-border-vertical-spacing: 2px;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="-webkit-border-horizontal-spacing: 2px; -webkit-border-vertical-spacing: 2px;">It is manifest that a member of a political party that will participate, or which may potentially participate, in any general election cannot be made members of the Election Commission. The fact that they are members of a political party is indicative of their political loyalties being to that party. This creates an obvious conflict of interest. This is reinforced in situations where the party Constitution requires allegiance, as I believe the UMNO constitution does.</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="-webkit-border-horizontal-spacing: 2px; -webkit-border-vertical-spacing: 2px;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="-webkit-border-horizontal-spacing: 2px; -webkit-border-vertical-spacing: 2px;">In the context of UMNO, this issue takes on added significance. Accusations have been made that the Election Commission has conducted itself in a manner that lend to an impression of bias. Leave aside the question of whether there is actual bias, the fact that there is an apprehension of bias is in itself sufficient for concerns to have been raised. To this it must now be added that the Chairman and Deputy Chairman of the Election Commission have been revealed to be members of UMNO. This will only fuel further speculation of bias. This in turn will add to an already high degree of resentment amongst voters about the way in which they perceive the electoral process to have been manipulated. </span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="-webkit-border-horizontal-spacing: 2px; -webkit-border-vertical-spacing: 2px;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="-webkit-border-horizontal-spacing: 2px; -webkit-border-vertical-spacing: 2px;">It is no significance that the Chairman and the Deputy Chairman were not active members or had forgotten that they are members. The fact that they are members is in itself sufficient to create the conflict of interest. One wonders whether they would have been endorsed by the Conference of Rulers and appointed by the Yang di-Pertuan Agong (as is required under Article 113(1)) if this fact were known.</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="-webkit-border-horizontal-spacing: 2px; -webkit-border-vertical-spacing: 2px;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="-webkit-border-horizontal-spacing: 2px; -webkit-border-vertical-spacing: 2px;">In the circumstance it appears that there is little choice in the matter. The Chairman and the Deputy Chairman must resign. It cannot end there though. The Government must take steps to convince Malaysians that measures that have been taken thus far with regard the imminent General Election have been consistent with the highest expectations of a clean and fair election. If the Government calls for a General Election under this cloud, then it will reinforce the belief of many Malaysians that the electoral process has been hijacked. </span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="-webkit-border-horizontal-spacing: 2px; -webkit-border-vertical-spacing: 2px;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="-webkit-border-horizontal-spacing: 2px; -webkit-border-vertical-spacing: 2px;">MIS</span></div>
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="-webkit-border-horizontal-spacing: 2px; -webkit-border-vertical-spacing: 2px;"><br /></span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="-webkit-border-horizontal-spacing: 2px; -webkit-border-vertical-spacing: 2px;"><br /></span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="-webkit-border-horizontal-spacing: 2px; -webkit-border-vertical-spacing: 2px;"><br /></span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="-webkit-border-horizontal-spacing: 2px; -webkit-border-vertical-spacing: 2px;"><br /></span>Malik Imtiaz Sarwarhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06047439912593830984noreply@blogger.com4tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1181672827682662169.post-79489374146841819622012-04-23T12:40:00.000+08:002012-04-23T12:40:10.927+08:00The death of civil liberties<br />
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Though the Government has said much about the repeal of the infamous Internal Security Act, little has been said to explain how its so-called replacement, the Security Offences (Special Measures) Bill (SOA), will impact on our lives. Even less has been said about the bill tabled to amend the Penal Code that went hand in hand with the SOA. I think there was a reason for this. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
To say that the two bills are draconian would be a gross understatement. They brutally curtail the constitutional freedom of Malaysians to dissent. It seems that we have been made the victims of a sleight of hand. While we were being distracted by the song and dance that attended the termination of the ISA, Parliament was being harnessed to diabolical purpose. The passing of the two bills has sounded the death knell of civil liberties.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
I am not given to hyperbole. The facts speak for themselves. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
The SOA is more a procedural instrument. It puts in place the legal framework for the investigation and prosecution of what are described as “security offences”. It allows for the kinds of invasive measures that we have come to understand are needed for governments to combat terrorism effectively. Government tells us that terrorism is the raison d’etre of the legislation. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
The SOA could arguably be justified on this basis, though I question the need for such extreme anti-terrorism legislation in light of our not having been subjected to terrorist attacks or even threats. Curiously, the preamble to the SOA states that action has been taken and further action is threatened by a body of persons both inside and outside Malaysia to cause organized violence against Malaysians, to excite disaffection against the Yang di-Pertuan Agong and to procure the alteration though unlawful means of legal institutions in the nation. This is news to me. These are matters of great significance to us; they suggest that we are virtually in a state of war or that we are in the midst of an insurgency.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
The truth of the matter is that we have not been made the subject of such scurrilous action and we have not been threatened with such action. The bill recites this so the Government can invoke a provision of the Federal Constitution, Article 149, that allows for Parliament to enact laws that contravene certain constitutional guarantees including those that prohibit detention without trial and guarantee a fair trial. The SOA allows, amongst other things, detention without trial for a period of twenty-eight days, and empowers the Attorney General to take extraordinary measures including the interception of all forms of communication where he has reason to believe a Security Offence (this is explained below) has been committed.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
We should not lose sight of the fact that the ISA was enacted under Article 149 to address the guerrilla insurgency we faced in the 1960s. I have been made to understand that the Opposition’s unwillingness to associate with an obvious untruth is one of the main reasons it does not support the bill. The fact that Government has resorted to Article 149 gives credence to suggestions that the ISA has merely been repackaged and that the Government is not ready to give up the political advantages that such legislation gives it. As one Minister has observed, there were abuses under the ISA and no law is beyond abuse.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
The SOA could perhaps be stomached if it was confined to terrorism. It however is not. In fact there is no mention of the word terrorism or terrorist in the legislation at all. Instead the SOA applies to what is referred to as “Security Offences” which is defined by newly introduced offences, hence the amendments to the Penal Code. This is where the real evil is.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
The new offences fall within three categories: activity detrimental to Parliamentary democracy, espionage and sabotage. What is immediately apparent is that the three offences, and the various permutations the amendments allow for, are so widely defined so as to capture almost any form of conduct deemed undesirable by the powers that be. This is extremely alarming in light of trends on the part of the authorities where civil liberties are concerned.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Take the offence of activity detrimental to parliamentary democracy. It is defined to mean “an activity carried out by a person or group of persons designed to overthrow or undermine parliamentary democracy by violent of unconstitutional means”. This is worry in light of the way in which we have heard accusations of unconstitutional behaviour being hurled at diverse persons from opposition members to activists. Consider also the way in which the members of Parti Sosialis Malaysia were arrested prior to the Bersih 2.0 demonstration last year for the alleged offence of “waging war” against the Yang di-Pertuan Agong.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
This point is further illustrated by the offence of “possession of documents and publications detrimental to parliamentary democracy” which carries a jail term of up to ten years. This offence is defined to include documents or publications that have a tendency to, amongst other things, counsel disobedience to the law pertaining to public order. It would clearly impact of demonstrations like those organised by Bersih 2.0 and other activist groups which were deemed by the police to be unlawful. Under this offence, any notices concerning such an event would be a document or publication detrimental to parliamentary democracy.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
It does not stop there. Such offending documents or publications include any invitation or request for contributions or donations for the use of persons who counsel disobedience to the law, amongst others. Persons receiving such offending documents or publications are required now to deliver the same to a police officer failing which that person may be convicted and sentenced to a jail term of ten years as well. This would be the case if those offending documents or publications were republished. So, the net would widen to include any bloggers who author or publish material deemed undesirable.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
In the same vein, espionage means “an activity to obtain sensitive information by ulterior or illegal means for the purpose that is prejudicial to the security or interest of Malaysia”. What that means is not clear. “Sensitive information” is defined to include any information that concerns, amongst other things, public order and the “essential public interest of Malaysia”. The scope of these provisions become a little clearer when we consider how it is our leadership has a tendency to label activities detrimental to its political standing as being aimed at undermining the Government. It seems to me that whistleblowers might also be caught by this provision as well, a point worth noting in light of the numerous scandals the Opposition have been disclosing recently.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
I could go on but the point has, I think, been demonstrated. The scope of these offences leaves no room for doubt. They are self-evidently geared towards far more than terrorism. The question I have is this: why has the Government led us to believe that these laws are intended to combat terrorism when in fact they do far more. Parliament has created a monstrous law that defies legal logic as much as it flies in the face of promise of reforms towards a more inclusive and participatory democracy.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<b><i>Malik Imtiaz Sarwar is a practising lawyer and the President of the National Human Rights Society (HAKAM) </i></b></div>
<div>
<br /></div>
<div>
(This article was first published in The Edge on 19..04.2012)</div>Malik Imtiaz Sarwarhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06047439912593830984noreply@blogger.com7tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1181672827682662169.post-74915398856516198522012-03-22T07:01:00.003+08:002012-03-22T07:01:48.427+08:00The heart of the matter<!--[if gte mso 9]><xml>
<o:OfficeDocumentSettings>
<o:AllowPNG/>
</o:OfficeDocumentSettings>
</xml><![endif]-->
<!--[if gte mso 9]><xml>
<w:WordDocument>
<w:View>Normal</w:View>
<w:Zoom>0</w:Zoom>
<w:TrackMoves/>
<w:TrackFormatting/>
<w:PunctuationKerning/>
<w:ValidateAgainstSchemas/>
<w:SaveIfXMLInvalid>false</w:SaveIfXMLInvalid>
<w:IgnoreMixedContent>false</w:IgnoreMixedContent>
<w:AlwaysShowPlaceholderText>false</w:AlwaysShowPlaceholderText>
<w:DoNotPromoteQF/>
<w:LidThemeOther>EN-US</w:LidThemeOther>
<w:LidThemeAsian>JA</w:LidThemeAsian>
<w:LidThemeComplexScript>X-NONE</w:LidThemeComplexScript>
<w:Compatibility>
<w:BreakWrappedTables/>
<w:SnapToGridInCell/>
<w:WrapTextWithPunct/>
<w:UseAsianBreakRules/>
<w:DontGrowAutofit/>
<w:SplitPgBreakAndParaMark/>
<w:EnableOpenTypeKerning/>
<w:DontFlipMirrorIndents/>
<w:OverrideTableStyleHps/>
<w:UseFELayout/>
</w:Compatibility>
<m:mathPr>
<m:mathFont m:val="Cambria Math"/>
<m:brkBin m:val="before"/>
<m:brkBinSub m:val="--"/>
<m:smallFrac m:val="off"/>
<m:dispDef/>
<m:lMargin m:val="0"/>
<m:rMargin m:val="0"/>
<m:defJc m:val="centerGroup"/>
<m:wrapIndent m:val="1440"/>
<m:intLim m:val="subSup"/>
<m:naryLim m:val="undOvr"/>
</m:mathPr></w:WordDocument>
</xml><![endif]--><!--[if gte mso 9]><xml>
<w:LatentStyles DefLockedState="false" DefUnhideWhenUsed="true"
DefSemiHidden="true" DefQFormat="false" DefPriority="99"
LatentStyleCount="276">
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="0" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Normal"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="heading 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" QFormat="true" Name="heading 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" QFormat="true" Name="heading 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" QFormat="true" Name="heading 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" QFormat="true" Name="heading 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" QFormat="true" Name="heading 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" QFormat="true" Name="heading 7"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" QFormat="true" Name="heading 8"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" QFormat="true" Name="heading 9"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 7"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 8"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 9"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="35" QFormat="true" Name="caption"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="10" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Title"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="1" Name="Default Paragraph Font"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="11" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Subtitle"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="22" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Strong"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="20" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="59" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Table Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Placeholder Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="1" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="No Spacing"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Shading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Dark List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Shading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Shading Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Grid Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Revision"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="34" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="List Paragraph"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="29" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Quote"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="30" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Intense Quote"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Dark List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Shading Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Grid Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Dark List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Shading Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Grid Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Dark List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Shading Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Grid Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Dark List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Shading Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Grid Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Dark List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Shading Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Grid Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Dark List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="19" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Subtle Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="21" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Intense Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="31" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Subtle Reference"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="32" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Intense Reference"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="33" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Book Title"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="37" Name="Bibliography"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" QFormat="true" Name="TOC Heading"/>
</w:LatentStyles>
</xml><![endif]-->
<!--[if gte mso 10]>
<style>
/* Style Definitions */
table.MsoNormalTable
{mso-style-name:"Table Normal";
mso-tstyle-rowband-size:0;
mso-tstyle-colband-size:0;
mso-style-noshow:yes;
mso-style-priority:99;
mso-style-parent:"";
mso-padding-alt:0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt;
mso-para-margin:0cm;
mso-para-margin-bottom:.0001pt;
mso-pagination:widow-orphan;
font-size:12.0pt;
font-family:Cambria;
mso-ascii-font-family:Cambria;
mso-ascii-theme-font:minor-latin;
mso-hansi-font-family:Cambria;
mso-hansi-theme-font:minor-latin;}
</style>
<![endif]-->
<!--StartFragment-->
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
Going
by what is making the rounds in the media, on and off line, Malaysians have
every right to be questioning the sincerity of the Federal Government’s stated
commitment to transparent and accountable governance. I think we have every
justification to wonder whether the Government even truly understands what
corporate governance means. <o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
Malaysians
have over the last two decades or been given enough grist for the proverbial
mill. Every so often, information would present itself in the public domain for
us to doubt that government really knew best, or that it consistently acted in
the public interest. Accusations of cronyism and self-interest plagued the
Mahathir administration, as they did the administration of Abdullah Badawi.
Granted, there were more exposes where the latter was concerned, though this
was primarily due to the burgeoning role of social media in the Malaysian and
Tun Abdullah being less iron-fisted. <o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
Suffice
it to say that over the years, righty or wrongly, Malaysians have become more
convinced that the Government tends to act only in its own interests. And where
the perception used to be that the Government acted with regard to primarily
its political interests, it is now widely believed that the member of
Government equally act in their own financial interests.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
This
is a state of mind that the Government’s continued rhetoric on eradicating
corruption does little to address; rhetoric that the Government must surely
recognise has minimal, if at all, impact. This is largely due to the fact that
Malaysians are given precious little to form a belief that the Government does
actually walk the talk.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
Consider
the recent recommendation by the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC)
Advisory Board that Ministers and their families declare their assets to the
MACC. One would have thought that this was a step that needed no
recommendation, or the recommendation having been made by a specialist Advisory
Board tasked with making recommendations of that nature, it would warrant
little or no debate from the Government. Yet, a Federal Minister opposed the
suggestion on the ground that it would endanger Ministers. From what exactly
was not made clear though perhaps, if viewed as a Freudian slip, it conveyed
the Minister’s fear of transparency.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
It
is not very surprising that despite the obvious political fiasco the National
Feedlot Corporation (NFC) affair has precipitated, the Government still acts as
if there was really nothing wrong with the public funds disbursed to NFC being
utilised for the personal purposes of NFC directors and shareholders. This was
in spite of some Ministers believing, a viewpoint that I share, that the public
funds had been entrusted to NFC for a specific purpose. One would have thought
the Government would have directed the Attorney General to take all necessary
steps to secure the funds and ensure their return to the Treasury. It goes
without saying that the Attorney General has an arsenal of legal provisions at
his disposal for that purpose and the resources to commence recovery
proceedings worldwide if necessary. The Government has instead incomprehensibly
left it to the Attorney General to commence prosecution on charges that go
merely to compliance with the Companies Act.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
It
may be that there is more than the obvious to the NFC affair, perhaps even some
mysterious self-evidently exculpating dimension. Whatever the case, it does the
Government little credit for it to act as if the saga was just an event in the
ordinary course of government. And the truth, as alarming as it is, may be that
the Government does really view it that way.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
That
may explain why the Prime Minister does not appear to feel that it is highly disconcerting
for his official offices to have been used for the organisation of his
daughter’s engagement. The event, as happy as it is for the families involved,
is just that: a family affair. Leaving aside the crucial question of whether
the Prime Minister’s Office paid for the event, it was highly inappropriate for
the Prime Minister to have utilised government resources for a personal matter.
His having done so speaks of a blurring of the lines between the personal and
the official in the highest executive office of the nation with all its
attendant ramifications and implications. <o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
The
fact that the use of the Prime Minister’s Office for personal purposes was not
limited to the engagement celebration, going by what has been revealed
concerning the Prime Minister’s birthday celebrations, suggests that this sort
of thing happens regularly. This may even be the case where the other members
of cabinet are concerned.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In these
circumstances, Malaysians have every justification to ask whether the Prime
Minister and the members of his cabinet address matters of state with the same
ambiguity. <o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
There
is enough material in the public domain for us to reasonably form the view that
they do. Consider the consistent demands by the Opposition and civil society
for more accountability and transparency in government spending and the
unwillingness of Government to respond meaningfully. The raging controversy
over the NFC has as yet not resulted in public disclosure of how it is that NFC
came to be granted the soft loan. Other commitments on the part of the
Government that have made the news recently are similarly opaque. <o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
These,
and other instances, are fueling grave concern over the state of the country’s
finances. Unbridled public spending over contracts that have not been made
subject to open tenders, some of which involve what could be described as
non-arms-length parties, have been shown around the world to be recipes of
disaster. But then, we know all that and the question in our hearts is really
how far are we from the brink.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
Going
by what we have learned about the extravagant lifestyles of our leaders we
might have reason to believe that all is well. Surely they would not be
spending money as if it was going out of fashion, personally and
professionally, if there was cause for concern. Or would they.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
The
fact is we really do not know, and that is at the heart of the matter. A
democratically elected government is one that is accountable to the electorate.
Voters did not elect a majority to form a government that would run the
nation’s affairs covertly or by stealth. Any such government would simply not
be tenable.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
MIS</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
(This article was first published in The Edge, 17.03.2012)</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<!--EndFragment-->Malik Imtiaz Sarwarhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06047439912593830984noreply@blogger.com3tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1181672827682662169.post-65832506255692618682012-01-26T21:58:00.000+08:002012-01-26T21:58:33.752+08:00Nothing to hide<!--[if gte mso 9]><xml>
<o:OfficeDocumentSettings>
<o:AllowPNG/>
</o:OfficeDocumentSettings>
</xml><![endif]-->
<!--[if gte mso 9]><xml>
<w:WordDocument>
<w:View>Normal</w:View>
<w:Zoom>0</w:Zoom>
<w:TrackMoves/>
<w:TrackFormatting/>
<w:PunctuationKerning/>
<w:ValidateAgainstSchemas/>
<w:SaveIfXMLInvalid>false</w:SaveIfXMLInvalid>
<w:IgnoreMixedContent>false</w:IgnoreMixedContent>
<w:AlwaysShowPlaceholderText>false</w:AlwaysShowPlaceholderText>
<w:DoNotPromoteQF/>
<w:LidThemeOther>EN-US</w:LidThemeOther>
<w:LidThemeAsian>JA</w:LidThemeAsian>
<w:LidThemeComplexScript>X-NONE</w:LidThemeComplexScript>
<w:Compatibility>
<w:BreakWrappedTables/>
<w:SnapToGridInCell/>
<w:WrapTextWithPunct/>
<w:UseAsianBreakRules/>
<w:DontGrowAutofit/>
<w:SplitPgBreakAndParaMark/>
<w:EnableOpenTypeKerning/>
<w:DontFlipMirrorIndents/>
<w:OverrideTableStyleHps/>
<w:UseFELayout/>
</w:Compatibility>
<m:mathPr>
<m:mathFont m:val="Cambria Math"/>
<m:brkBin m:val="before"/>
<m:brkBinSub m:val="--"/>
<m:smallFrac m:val="off"/>
<m:dispDef/>
<m:lMargin m:val="0"/>
<m:rMargin m:val="0"/>
<m:defJc m:val="centerGroup"/>
<m:wrapIndent m:val="1440"/>
<m:intLim m:val="subSup"/>
<m:naryLim m:val="undOvr"/>
</m:mathPr></w:WordDocument>
</xml><![endif]--><!--[if gte mso 9]><xml>
<w:LatentStyles DefLockedState="false" DefUnhideWhenUsed="true"
DefSemiHidden="true" DefQFormat="false" DefPriority="99"
LatentStyleCount="276">
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="0" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Normal"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="heading 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" QFormat="true" Name="heading 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" QFormat="true" Name="heading 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" QFormat="true" Name="heading 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" QFormat="true" Name="heading 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" QFormat="true" Name="heading 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" QFormat="true" Name="heading 7"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" QFormat="true" Name="heading 8"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" QFormat="true" Name="heading 9"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 7"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 8"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 9"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="35" QFormat="true" Name="caption"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="10" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Title"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="1" Name="Default Paragraph Font"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="11" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Subtitle"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="22" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Strong"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="20" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="59" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Table Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Placeholder Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="1" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="No Spacing"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Shading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Dark List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Shading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Shading Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Grid Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Revision"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="34" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="List Paragraph"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="29" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Quote"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="30" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Intense Quote"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Dark List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Shading Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Grid Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Dark List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Shading Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Grid Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Dark List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Shading Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Grid Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Dark List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Shading Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Grid Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Dark List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Shading Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Grid Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Dark List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="19" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Subtle Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="21" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Intense Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="31" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Subtle Reference"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="32" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Intense Reference"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="33" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Book Title"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="37" Name="Bibliography"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" QFormat="true" Name="TOC Heading"/>
</w:LatentStyles>
</xml><![endif]-->
<!--[if gte mso 10]>
<style>
/* Style Definitions */
table.MsoNormalTable
{mso-style-name:"Table Normal";
mso-tstyle-rowband-size:0;
mso-tstyle-colband-size:0;
mso-style-noshow:yes;
mso-style-priority:99;
mso-style-parent:"";
mso-padding-alt:0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt;
mso-para-margin:0cm;
mso-para-margin-bottom:.0001pt;
mso-pagination:widow-orphan;
font-size:12.0pt;
font-family:Cambria;
mso-ascii-font-family:Cambria;
mso-ascii-theme-font:minor-latin;
mso-hansi-font-family:Cambria;
mso-hansi-theme-font:minor-latin;}
</style>
<![endif]-->
<!--StartFragment-->
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
Like
many others, I believe that the move by the Chief Justice to have judges
declare their assets should be lauded. As was emphasised in the speech he
delivered recently at the opening of the legal year, the integrity of the
judicial process is of paramount importance to the administration of justice.
Having judges declare their assets is a key step in achieving that goal. Not
only will it allow for some measure of scrutiny, the willingness of judges to
disclose their net worth will signal to all Malaysians that they have nothing
to hide. <o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
The
Chief Justice must be credited for having had the moral courage to acknowledge
a need on the part of the Judiciary to directly address concerns that corrupt
practices may possibly have infiltrated into the institution. It would have
been much easier for the Chief Justice to simply ignore the issue, or deal with
it behind closed doors. Many a judge may have said it would be better to handle
such matters out of sight for the fact that it would not lead to any untoward
impression of the institution.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
As
effective as this latter approach may have been, it would not have gone very
far in addressing public concerns. Though it pains me to say this, I do not
think there are many lawyers and litigants who believe that the system of
justice is free from corruption. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>While
this may be nothing more than a perception it is no less damaging; a system in
which the public has no confidence is a system that does not work. <o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
I am
heartened that the Chief Justice recognises that he must deal with the matter
and, to that end, embrace the more challenging route of promoting transparency
and accountability amongst his judges. Implicit in his approach is an
understanding that the well being of the institution, and the nation, cannot be
sacrificed for the sake of the few rotten apples that may be in the barrel. <o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
The
Chief Justice says that the Judiciary will work with the Malaysian Anti-Corruption
Commission on developing the framework of disclosure. This makes sense
considering the function of the MACC and the value of the collaboration must be
acknowledged.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It may however be prudent
to note that public perceptions of the MACC, in particular its seeming
political bias, may undermine the value of the initiative if not handled. It is
therefore essential for the Chief Justice to make clear that while the MACC may
offer advice on how best to articulate the aims of the Chief Justice in this
regard, it will not have the final say. <o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
It
would also be useful for the Chief Justice to engage with the Malaysian Bar and
Transparency International on the matter. A consultative approach will go a
long way in convincing Malaysians that he means business.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Malaysians are after all the beneficiaries of
the system of justice and they ought, through interaction with the relevant
civil society bodies, be treated as stakeholders. The Bar is well placed to
highlight aspects of the process that may shed light on corrupt practices and
how best to deal with them. Similarly, the resources and experience that TI can
bring to bear will be invaluable in defining the disclosure framework.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
The
Chief Justice has yet to make clear his vision of the disclosure framework. At
the risk of stating the obvious, it is crucial that consideration be given to
the degrees of disclosure required as well as the period of disclosure. Where
the former is concerned, Judges ought be made to disclose assets in their own
names as well as in the names of their spouses and children. They should also
be made to declare their interest in companies, not only for their shareholding
amounting to assets but for the fact that assets may be parked under asset
holding companies, within jurisdiction or elsewhere.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They should be made to disclose their assets
in the most comprehensive manner possible. In this regard, the disclosure
obligations imposed on members of the Competition Commission under the
Competitions Commission Act 2010 is a useful reference point.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
Consideration
must also be given to the question of whether the declaration of assets ought
be made public. I believe it should if the aim is to foster public
confidence.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Such a stand is not
unprecedented, declarations of assets of the judges of the Indian superior
courts are carried on the website of the Supreme Court.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
As
for the period of disclosure, it would be prudent to require disclosure of
assets by Judges as at the time when they were elevated to the bench, or
appointed as Judicial Commissioners.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>They ought be made to then declare their assets for each year they have
served as a Judge and continue to do so until their retirement. It would be
counterproductive to only require disclosure of assets prospectively if the aim
is to weed out errant judges.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
It will
also be necessary to consider how the vetting process is to work. I presume
that the MACC will be vetting declarations. The question is whether the MACC is
to vet disclosures only if allegations are made against a judge, or whether the
vetting is done as a matter of course each and every year. I believe that the
latter approach is the better one for it promoting the objective of the
exercise. This approach will also serve to deter errant conduct.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
Once
again I congratulate the Chief Justice on the initiative. My best wishes to all
for the lunar New Year.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
MIS</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
(First published in The Edge, 22nd January 2012)</div>
<!--EndFragment-->Malik Imtiaz Sarwarhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06047439912593830984noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1181672827682662169.post-66681719049372699422012-01-03T14:23:00.002+08:002012-01-03T14:26:30.085+08:00Statement: MCLM<div style="text-align: justify;"> <style>@font-face { font-family: "Cambria"; }p.MsoNormal, li.MsoNormal, div.MsoNormal { margin: 0cm 0cm 10pt; font-size: 12pt; font-family: "Times New Roman"; }div.Section1 { page: Section1; }</style> </div><p style="text-align: justify;" class="MsoNormal">It is with regret that I announce my disassociation from the Malaysian Civil Liberties Movement, otherwise known as MCLM. </p><div style="text-align: justify;"> </div><p style="text-align: justify;" class="MsoNormal">Though I have at no point in time been a member of MCLM, I had committed to working with the movement to further the reform agenda.</p><div style="text-align: justify;"> </div><p style="text-align: justify;" class="MsoNormal">For the sake of clarity, I note here that at all times my agreement to stand as an independent candidate hinged on my being satisfied that there was cause for it. In this I firmly believed, and still do, that the Pakatan Rakyat was pivotal in any campaign for reform, though it was not necessarily the only actor of relevance. In that light, I had resolved to stand only where my doing so would not result in a three-corner fight or where it was strictly necessary to do so. </p><div style="text-align: justify;"> </div><p style="text-align: justify;" class="MsoNormal">Much has occurred since the announcement of the initiative. For one, the Pakatan Rakyat appeared to commit to a sustained effort to identify and field quality candidates. For another, Raja Petra Kamaruddin felt it necessary to state his personal views as he did, in an interview with TV3 last year and recently in interviews published in the New Straits Times and the Utusan Malaysia.<span style=""> </span></p><div style="text-align: justify;"> </div><p style="text-align: justify;" class="MsoNormal">I will not delve into the matters spoken of save to say that they cast a less than positive light on the MCLM in so far as its commitment to principle is concerned. Furthermore, I do not share his views.</p><div style="text-align: justify;"> </div><p style="text-align: justify;" class="MsoNormal">As I understand things those views were entirely personal to him and are not the views of the MCLM. Raja Petra had however allowed the impression that he spoke on behalf of MCLM and in his capacity as the chairman of the movement. That is regrettable as it is an impression that has undermined the credibility of the MCLM and its efforts. It has also undermined the tremendous efforts of a number of highly committed and selfless individuals in their untiring efforts to develop various civil society initiatives under the banner of MCLM.</p><div style="text-align: justify;"> </div><p style="text-align: justify;" class="MsoNormal">In having done what he did, as well intentioned as he may have been, Raja Petra has seriously undermined the cause. It is my belief that no one person is larger than the cause. </p><div style="text-align: justify;"> </div><p style="text-align: justify;" class="MsoNormal">It is for this reason that I must disassociate from the movement and withdraw from the independent candidate initiative. I have discussed the matter with Mr Sreekant Pillai who has asked me to state that he shares my views and is similarly dissociating.</p><div style="text-align: justify;"> </div><p style="text-align: justify;" class="MsoNormal">I wish to state that my decisions to remain independent of any political parties and to stand as a candidate were mine and mine alone. <span style=""> </span>It has been some years since Raja Petra and I have spoken and he has not in any way influenced any of my decisions.</p><p style="text-align: justify;" class="MsoNormal"><br /></p><p style="text-align: justify;" class="MsoNormal">Malik Imtiaz Sarwar</p>Malik Imtiaz Sarwarhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06047439912593830984noreply@blogger.com21tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1181672827682662169.post-12637603550104574792011-06-26T10:19:00.002+08:002011-06-26T10:35:25.053+08:00Preemptive intimidation<div style="text-align: justify;">So, the police have started their campaign of 'preemptive arrests'. There were activists arrested in various towns/cities yesterday, ostensibly for distributing 'inflammatory material'. As many have already commented, the suggestion that material recommending electoral reform is inflammatory is ludicrous. This is more so in light of YB Nazri's recent observations about our sedition laws being outdated.<br /><br />And if it is incitement that the police are worried about, then there are more stark instances that are deserving of attention.<br /><br />The police campaign appears to be aimed more at intimidation, apparently on the misconceived basis that this is a legitimate means to preserving public order. It is not, simply because every one has the right to dissent and express such dissent. This is something that the police appear to recognise; demonstrations and marches have been permitted in recent history, more notably when they involve causes that run consistent with the politics of the Government.<br /><br />When the police want to, they are fully capable of allowing mass gatherings and controlling public order. Just google "Kuala Lumpur road closures". Even as I write this there are hordes of people running past my office. They're not running from anyone or anything, they're involved in a marathon of sorts. Roads have been closed for this event, as HAKAM members trying to get to my office for our AGM have found out to their consternation.<br /><br />The preemptive police campaign is inflaming a situation that politics has made tense. What started out as a peaceful expression of unhappiness over the electoral process has now become, to paraphrase the Deputy Prime Minister, a threat to national security. He is concerned that the BERSIH Rally will send the wrong signals to the international community, in particular investors. Well, we might ask the Deputy Prime Minister, what sort of signal does mass arrests send?<br /></div><br />MISMalik Imtiaz Sarwarhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06047439912593830984noreply@blogger.com2